A.1.b. John Berry
John Berry was born in the early winter of 1760, most likely in the Shenandoah Valley of Augusta County, Virginia, since that is where his father can be documented as living at that time. He grew up on his father’s farm, and as he reached manhood, the Revolutionary War flared up. Between 1778 and 1781 he served three deployment stints as part of the Augusta County militia, traveling into Ohio to build a fort in Shawnee territory on one tour and down to the Tidewater Virginia area on the others, all, involved in strategic countermoves to invading British armies. After the war he returned to his father’s farm for a few years, but soon joined his brother across the Appalachians in the Bluegrass area of Kentucky, where he spent the rest of his life. After moving around a bit, he finally settled on some land along the South Fork of the Licking River in Harrison County, Kentucky, married Elizabeth Claypoole/Claypole, and raised seven children. Being a product of his times, and of the proslavery part of the country where he lived, John Berry became a slave owner and appears to have presided over an African family that he owned. State and federal data appear to support the interpretation that the group of slaves he owned actually represented a family rather than a random association of human purchases. Being slaves, their ultimate destiny was to be sold or distributed, as property, to John Berry’s white family. As his generation aged, the federal government passed legislation to provide monetary support to their Revolutionary War veterans, and after submitting the required paperwork, which subsequently proved to be a bonanza of information for later generations, he was approved for a federal pension. As the legislation was altered through time to account, at least in part, for the widows of these aging veterans, Elizabeth applied and was approved for continued pension support until her death. In the years after John died, Elizabeth can be documented as living with several of her children. Her estate appraisal clearly shows that she ended up with several of the slaves from their slave family. While their final resting places are not known, it seems quite likely that both John and Elizabeth were buried in Harrison County, Kentucky, possibly on the family farm, but more likely in a local cemetery. |
Timeline of John Berry and Elizabeth Claypole/Claypoole
27 Dec 1760479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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1 Aug. 1778/79479,485 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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Fall 1780479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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16 July 1781490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
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Sept. 1781479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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15 June 17841092 |
Virginia Land Office Patents and Grants, Land Office Grants N, 1784 -
1785, p. 71, Reel 54 |
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1784 |
Augusta County, Virginia Personal Property
Tax Lists |
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1786501 |
Augusta County, Virginia Personal Property
Tax Lists |
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6 Dec 178721 |
Augusta County, Virginia Marriage Licenses,
Marriage Bonds, And Marriages, page 304 |
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19 Feb. 1788501 |
Virginia Land Office Patents and Grants No. 16, 1787-1788, p.
210 (Reel 82) |
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1789501 |
Augusta County, Virginia Personal Property
Tax Lists |
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1790475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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1791475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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9 July 17911089 |
The Kentucky Gazette, Volume IV, Number XLII, 9 July 1791 in The
Kentucky Gazette 1787 - 1800, Genealogical and Historical Abstracts, by
Karen Mauer Green, Gateway Press, Inc., Baltimore, 1983 |
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20 Aug. 1792475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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24 Aug. 17931089 |
The Kentucky Gazette, Volume VI, Number XLIX, 24 Aug. 1793 in The
Kentucky Gazette 1787 - 1800, Genealogical and Historical Abstracts, by
Karen Mauer Green, Gateway Press, Inc., Baltimore, 1983 |
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12 Oct. 1793475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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11 May 1794475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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1795475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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1796475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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6 April 17971089 |
The Kentucky Gazette, 1787 - 1800, Genealogical and Historical
Abstracts, by Karen Mauer Green John Berry, 6 April 1797, living about 8 miles from Lexington on the road to Clark County courthouse, regarding land for sale |
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1797475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky
Tax Books |
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1799475 |
Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
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27 Feb. 17991090 |
Jessamine County, Virginia Court Order Books, Vol 1A, page 11 |
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28 Feb. 17991090 |
Jessamine County, Virginia Court Order Books, Vol 1A, pages 12, 13 |
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17 Aug. 17991094 |
Harrison County Kentucky Deed Book 1, page 455 This indenture made this
seventeenth day of August one thousand seven hundred and ninety nine
Between Jacob Zumwalt & Catherine his wife of the County of Harrison and
the Commonwealth of Kentucky of the one part and James Berry & John
Berry of the County of Scott & Commonwealth aforesaid of the other
part |
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Dec. 17991090 |
Jessamine County, Virginia Court Order Books, Vol 1A, page 71 John Berry vs. John Morehead: upon an appeal from the Judgment of James Johnson, Esquire for Costs of Suit By Consent of the appellant It is ordered that the above appeals be discontinued at the appellants Costs. |
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22 April 1800282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
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9 April 1801282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
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4 June 1802479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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Augusta County, Virginia
Will Book 9, page 375 |
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27 Mar 1803282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
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25 Apr. 1803490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
23 Mar 1804282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
11 Nov 1805490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
09 June 1806282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
13 May 1807282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
9 Nov 1807490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
07 Apr 1808282 |
Harrison County, Virginia/Kentucky Tax Books
John Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
16 Apr 1808490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
25 Apr 1809618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
30 June 1810618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1810487 |
Federal Census Harrison
County, Kentucky
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1811618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1812618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
3 Oct 1813490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
18 Mar 1813618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1814618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1815618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
10 June 18151093 |
Harrison County Kentucky Deed Book 4, page 356 |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1816618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1817618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
11 Oct 1817490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1818618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1819618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1820488 |
Federal Census Harrison
County, Kentucky
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1821618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1822618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1823618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1824618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1825618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
20 Dec 1825490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1826618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1827618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1828618 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1829619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1830619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings 3 children between the ages of 5 and 16 (Octavia, John, Drucilla) |
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
1830489 |
Federal Census Harrison
County, Kentucky
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
19 Sept. 1832479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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10 Dec. 1832479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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1833619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings John Berry
1 white male > 21 |
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1834619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings John Berry
1 white male > 21 |
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1835619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings John Berry
1 white male > 21
Rate of Covering: 30 |
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1838619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings Book 1 John Berry
1 white male > 21
Rate of Covering: 30 |
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12 Aug. 1838479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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23 Jan. 1839834 |
Harrison County, Kentucky Will Book D, Pages 174-76
We the undersigned Commissioners do certify that the foregoing Inventory
Contains all the property with its true valuation as shown to us by the
Administrator Given under or hands the 14th day of Sept 1838. |
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1839619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings Book 2 Elizabeth Berry |
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29 Jan. 1840834 |
Harrison County, Kentucky,
Will Book D, pages 174-176
State of Kentucky Harrison County Sct |
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18401091 |
1840 Federal Census, Harrison County,
Kentucky
Roll 113, page 124 |
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1840619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings Book 2 Elizabeth Berry |
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1841619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings
Book 1 |
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1842619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings
Book 1 |
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1843619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings
Book 1 |
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1844619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings
Book 2 |
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5 Dec. 1844479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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25 Jan. 1845479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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1845619 |
Harrison County,
Kentucky Tax Listings
Elizabeth Berry |
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25 July 1850484 |
Federal Census, Harrison
County, Kentucky
RE = Real Estate |
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3 Feb. 1853479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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Aug. 1853479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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7 Sept. 1853479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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19 Sept. 1853479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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30 Mar. 1855479 |
Revolutionary War
Pension & Bounty Land Warrant Application Files |
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5 June 1860486 |
Federal Census, Harrison
County, Kentucky
RE = Real Estate |
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10 June 1863490 |
Family Records and
History: Descendants of John Berry (1760-1838) &
Elizabeth Claypool (1781-1863) by Lucy Ross Berry |
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7 Nov. 1864835 |
Harrison County, Kentucky Will Book H-2, page 604
The above is a correct copy &
List of the sale of the Property of Elizabeth Berry Dec’d as come
as ----?- into my hands the admtrata July 11th 1864. |
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10 Nov. 1865835 |
Harrison County, Kentucky Will Book H-2, pages 529-30
We whose names are hereunto
annexed certify that the foregoing inventory of the Property of Mrs.
Elizabeth Berry Dec’d is correc as produced this day July 11th 1863. |
Analysis of the Timeline
The earliest information of John Berry’s life, before he began leaving his own footprints in the sands of time, can be determined with confidence from several reliable sources. Because of his military service during the Revolutionary War and the documentation he had to provide in later years when he applied for a federal pension based on that military service, critical elements of his life, such as his birth date and place and his movements through time and space, can be determined. These few scraps of information allow his life to be plugged into the flux of historical events sweeping through the American colonies, so, despite the fact that specific information of his life might be not be available in accessible source records, his verifiable presence at events that are quite well documented serve to illuminate and further define his life experiences, extending a firm understanding of this man beyond the mere reach of the source information that he provided.
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In his pension application John Berry stated that the only record of his birth date, which he provided, was an entry in his father’s family bible, but, at the time that he filled out the paperwork in the 1830s, he had no idea where the bible was located. Presumably another sibling ended up in possession of that document. John Berry was born in the early winter of 1760 in Augusta County, Virginia, most likely on his parent’s farm, which was located on the headwaters of the Middle River tributary of the Shenandoah River. Several years prior to John’s birth, his father, George Berry, Sr., had purchased the farm from his father, John’s grandfather, the elder James Berry, who had been living on the property, or at least in the area, since the mid to late 1740s. An 1882 biographic essay of one of his older brother William’s grandsons, N. P. Berry, noted the pioneer background of the Berry family and the hardships of life on the frontier. The essay went on to say that John’s brother, William, was born in Ireland and emigrated to Virginia when he was a young man. While this is clearly not true for neither John nor his brother William, it is more likely true for their father, George Berry, Sr. It also outlines the early Berry migration history and Irish ancestry, more accurately, Scotch-Irish ancestry, for this Berry clan. Presumably, George Berry Sr. was the individual who was born in Ireland and came to the American colonies as a young man, and he would most likely have been with his father, the elder James Berry. |
First Militia Deployment
The next bit of information from the time before John Berry left his own direct footprints in the historical records is data from his first military service. Like his brother William, John was drafted into the Augusta County militia for a four month tour during a time of national emergency. Both brothers served in Captain William Henderson’s company, which was part of Col. Wm. Boyer’s command in the campaign that followed. Consequently, some of John’s pension information can be cross verified not only from his brother’s testimony, but also from another Virginia militia soldier, John McWilliam. In his pension declaration, John’s brother William Berry recalled that it was in August of 1778 when John was drafted, but, straining through the fog of time, 52 years after the event, a 72 year old John Berry could only narrow the date down to 1778 or 1779. Given his birth date of 27 December 1760, when he was drafted in August of 1778, John was only 17 years old at the time. John’s brother noted that their unit was marched out west, proceeding to a point on the Ohio River about 25 miles south of Fort Pitt where they joined General McIntosh’s main army at Fort McIntosh. From here they headed across the Ohio River to the Muskingum River and built a fort that he remembered as being called Tuskaroras or Lawrence. John generally recalled the same series of events, describing a march from Augusta County to the Ohio River where they crossed the Ohio River below (downstream) of Fort Pitt. He also remembered building a fort called Tuscaroras or Lawrence, adding that it was located on Tuscarora Creek which drained into the Muskingum River. He remained there for the rest of his tour, which ended in late December, just a few days after his 18th birthday. William described his duties as marching, building the fort and pulling guard duty. John pretty much concurred, stating that he marched from home, built the fort and pulled guard duty. He further explained that there were no formal discharge papers issued when their tour ended. They were just verbally dismissed from service. William’s application indicated that he returned to Staunton in early January 1779, right around New Years Day. Although he was in a different militia unit than both John and William Berry, John McWilliams’ pension statements match William Berry’s story with some added detail. He noted that his unit was marched to the Ohio River, crossing it just below the mouth of the Big Beaver River, and remained at Fort McIntosh for awhile. Next, they marched to Tuscarora Plains near some Indian towns, where they built what he called a stockard fort. They remained there until a few days before Christmas, when they were marched back to Fort McIntosh and discharged. (Figure 84) Both William Berry, John Berry and John McWilliams were silent on how they managed their return trips home. William noted only that they returned home on the 30th of December. Presumably both brothers traveled together on this part of their journey. From that time until his next deployment, which, as will be shown, occurred in the fall of 1781, John Berry most likely lived on his parent’s farm in Augusta County, Virginia.479,899,900,901,902 |
Western Strategic Setting in the Fall of 1778
Following the Battle of Point Pleasant in the fall of 1774, there was a lull in aggressive activity by the Shawnee and their allies, but it was short-lived. The initiation of the Revolutionary War sparked renewed efforts by the British, from their base in Detroit, to supply the aggrieved tribes with plenty of arms and ammunition for use against the American frontier settlers. Consequently, Shawnee raiding began in earnest again in 1776 against the frontier settlements south of the Ohio River. The cycle of terror, murder, atrocities and revenge killings spun out of control all along the mountain borderlands from western Pennsylvania to eastern Tennessee. By 1777 Shawnee attacks had nearly depopulated Kentucky, forcing those that remained to live in or near fortified towns, blockhouses or forts, so settlers in the area began pressuring Congress for support.411,412,1014
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From a strategic point of view the weakness of the existing defensive system soon became all too clear. It consisted of a series of fortified outposts located along the margins of, but well within, the settled areas. Scouts operating from these bases could hardly provide much advance warning of hostile forces operating in the area. In addition the outposts were manned by local militia, a relatively untrained armed force better suited to home guard duty or short term offensive expeditions than longer term garrison duty or extended military operations. In late November 1777, a congressional commission met in Fort Pitt to evaluate the situation and propose solutions based on the data they gathered. Among their recommendations was the establishment of a permanent garrison in the region manned by trained Continental soldiers rather than militia, the construction of a fort in Indian territory and the organization of a campaign against the hostile Indians, as well as the British supply base in Detroit. Operations were to begin in the late summer of 1778. The recommendations were quickly approved. Four regiments were designated to deploy to the area, and nearly a million dollars was appropriated for the expedition. In addition, Virginia was asked to supply 1500 militia soldiers in support of this effort. General Washington placed General McIntosh in command of the operation, and preparations were immediately underway. In early July of 1778, however, raids by Iroquois and Tories in eastern New York and Pennsylvania diverted most of the troops and supplies to that area, and Virginia voted to reduce their commitment to this project to only 800 militia soldiers. Furthermore, rather than support a full expedition against Detroit, Virginia stipulated that their troops were only to conduct a campaign of harassment against the Indians. Despite the severely limited troops and supplies, McIntosh, following completion of a treaty with the Delaware Indians to build a fort in their territory, decided to go ahead with construction of several outposts in Indian country to prepare for the advance on Detroit which was now delayed until 1779.411,412,1014
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Militia units from the frontier areas of Virginia and Pennsylvania slowly made their way to their gathering point at Fort Pitt and, with great difficulty, supplies were gathered for the upcoming expedition. At the beginning of October, the first step began with the construction of a road along the south side of the Ohio River from Fort Pitt to the mouth of the Beaver River. (Figure 84) For the next month construction proceeded on Fort McIntosh, a supply base situated atop a cliff on the western side of the Beaver River and within the modern day town of Beaver, Pennsylvania. The walls were quite considerable, built of thick, heavy logs and earth-fill. Inside the compound were barracks of sufficient size to house a regiment of regular (Continental) soldiers. Supplies could be brought to this location by water, but from here, the route would be a 60 mile overland haul to Fort Laurens, yet to be built, within Delaware territory on the Tuscarawas River. The weather was turning cold and supplies were slow in coming, all of which led to some discontent within the officer corps, who thought the whole idea of taking the time and effort to build Fort McIntosh was completely unnecessary if the ultimate goal was to invade Detroit. Fort McIntosh, however, would be the supply hub for the harassment campaign that Virginia demanded, as well as for the eventual assault upon Detroit. McIntosh’s troop strength consisted of about 700 Continental troops, less than half the original amount planned, and 800 militia, far short of the originally planned militia troop strength. Leaving a small contingent behind at Fort McIntosh to finish construction, he took the remaining troops, including all of the Virginia militia, up the Tuscarawas Trail in early November, and almost immediately encountered problems and a string of bad luck. Bad weather, discord and insubordination among his officers, reluctant militia troops and a general lack of forage caused by the October frosts created serious delays, and it took around two weeks for the long column of men and scrawny animals to reach the Tuscarawas River. Construction began immediately on the second fort, Fort Laurens, a small, one acre quadrangle-shaped wooden stockade with high embankments built on the west bank of the river near the modern day village of Bolivar, Ohio. Supplies could not be obtained for the expedition, due to more pressing issues facing the army elsewhere, so, almost immediately, their stock of existing supplies became critically low with no hope of timely replenishment. The situation became so serious that during construction the militia had to be placed on short rations, and even the fall harassment campaign against the Shawnee had to be postponed. As the end of the year approached, the terms of the militia expired, so McIntosh led the militia to Fort McIntosh, leaving Fort Laurens manned by a small contingent of Continentals. From Fort McIntosh the militia was sent home. Since there were no more supplies, the militia was destitute when they left for home, so many of them resorted to eating animal hides, some went from farm house to farm house begging for food and others merely plundered farms along the route home in order to survive.899,900,901,902,1014 |
Second Militia Deployment
In his next tour of duty with the Augusta County militia John Berry volunteered for a two or three month deployment and possibly as short as one month, serving as a substitute for his brother in law, John Tate, in Captain Smith’s company. John Tate married John Berry’s sister Jane/Jinney Berry. There appears to have been statements by some of the officers in this unit that this deployment, or at least John Berry’s participation in it, lasted only a month. Unfortunately, the starting and ending dates, even the year, for this tour were not clearly identified in John Berry’s pension statements. The only time notation was that it probably occurred around September. The trail of Captain Smith’s company, however, can be tracked through the pension statements of other soldiers who served in his unit, thus allowing for a general identification of the time frame. In 1780 and 1781 Virginia militia units were deployed in large numbers, and a Captain Thomas Smith from Augusta County appears in the records on two occasions. In 1780 his company served with several other militia units in Richmond, guarding members of the General Assembly from marauding British troops. In 1781 his company joined the main army at an iron works in North Carolina. The latter action is probably related to the Battle of Guildford Courthouse, which occurred in March of that year. Neither John Berry, nor his brother William, made any mention in their pension statements regarding John’s participation in the Battle of Guilford Courthouse, although William Berry was definitely present at that engagement. This, as well as statements by both John and William that John served in Richmond and Portsmouth on this tour strongly suggests that John served in Captain Smith’s company during the deployment that took place in 1780.479,1014 |
Southern Strategic Setting in 1780
Given the general time frame for John Berry’s second deployment, the strategic setting of the war at that time must be more closely examined in order to be able to more precisely pin down the time frame. Following a significant defeat at Saratoga, New York in late October 1777, which stimulated both direct and indirect involvement in the war by Britain’s chief rival, France, and with a general stalemate in the war efforts in the upper and middle colonies, the British executed their southern strategy in a last ditch effort to turn the war around. On the surface, the campaign seemed to have a fairly good chance of success, since it relied upon the exploitation of what was perceived to be a considerable concentration of Tories (colonial British sympathizers) in the southern colonies and well motivated Native American tribes west of the mountains to defeat the rebel uprising. During the spring and summer of 1780 British forces successfully invaded South Carolina, experiencing some initial successes against American Continental troops. Utilizing mostly newly recruited Tory troops, the British pushed westward and northward in an effort to merge with their Native American allies across the Appalachian Mountains and, ultimately, to connect with the main British force concentration in New York. Since the bulk of regular US Continental forces were engaged at this time, defensive efforts in Virginia relied heavily upon county militia units, which explains their heavy involvement in the war at this time. The militia, however, suffered from a basic weakness, that always needed to be accounted for. Although numerous, they constituted an untrained and generally unreliable force, especially when opposing British Regulars. Consequently, they were mainly used to oppose small forces, block troop movement and to provide guard duty.786,1013,1014,1017
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Prior to the British disaster at King’s Mountain on 7 October 1780, the commander of British forces in America, Sir Henry Clinton, had intended to send 2,000 British Regulars, under the command of General Leslie, to the Chesapeake Bay area to provide a diversion for General Cornwallis’s campaign in the Carolina colonies, and, ultimately, to unite with his forces. On the same day of the pivotal King’s Mountain battle, which eliminated Cornwallis’ left wing, General Leslie and his troops left New York to establish a base of operations for a series of harassment raids along the settlements of the James River. They arrived at Norfolk, Virginia two weeks later, on 21 October, and for the next month, until mid November, this force moved up river as far as Richmond, destroying supplies, looting and capturing materiel, threatening the Virginia government, and ultimately settling down in the Portsmouth area on the Elizabeth River. The King’s Mountain victory had emboldened rebel forces, and being in desperate straights after his defeat General Cornwallis soon ordered General Leslie to evacuate Portsmouth and proceed to Charlestown, South Carolina to supplement his decimated force. General Leslie’s troops left Portsmouth for good on 15 November 1780 and after a month at sea, landed at Charlestown. Their operation in the James River area, then, was very limited in time and scope, lasting only 25 days, from the 21st of October to the 15th of November.786,1013,1014
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General Leslie’s raiders presented a serious, albeit short term, threat to the lower James River area in late October and early November of 1780. The Virginia militia was mobilized to counter the move and Captain Smith’s company was among the troops who appear to have served, primarily, a defensive role. Both John and William Berry noted that after being mustered in Staunton, John’s company was marched to Richmond and to Portsmouth, Virginia, which was where General Leslie’s troops were bottled up. No engagements with the enemy were mentioned in either pension record. Quite likely, when General Leslie’s troops were withdrawn by sea to directly support General Cornwallis, the Virginia militia, which had been sent, at least in part, to prevent General Leslie from easily moving overland to support Cornwallis, was dismissed, since they were no longer needed. Consequently, the shorter estimates for John Berry’s second deployment may represent the more accurate numbers. It seems highly likely that this militia tour lasted for one to two months. Thus, the combination of pension data and historical documentation seems to clarify the timing and the reason for John Berry’s second tour. John’s brother in law, John Tate, had been drafted into the militia at this time, but, apparently, John Berry served as his substitute on this tour. In summary it appears that during October and November of 1780 Augusta County was committed to filling a military manpower need, meeting their requirements with a draft. Captain Thomas Smith’s Augusta County militia company, with John Berry substituting for his brother in law, mustered in Staunton, was marched to Jamestown and probably farther on to Portsmouth in order to contain and block General Leslie’s raiders.786,1013,1014
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All of these events took place just before John Berry’s 20th birthday. Presumably, for the year and a half from early January of 1779, when his first tour ended, through the fall of 1780, the time of his second tour, John was living back at home on his parent’s farm in the upper Shenandoah River valley, not far from Staunton, and he probably returned there after the conclusion of his second tour. The war was rapidly coming to a conclusion, and there was not such a long time gap between tours for his third deployment. |
Third Militia Deployment
According to his pension records, John Berry’s third, and final deployment with the Augusta County militia constituted a two to three month stint in Captain Tate’s Company in 1781, prior to General Cornwallis’ surrender at Yorktown. His unit marched to Richmond, and after General Cornwallis’ army passed by, followed them to Williamsburg. His brother William Berry noted that John was involved in two major skirmishes, the first at Hotwater, and the second near Jamestown. John Berry further noted that his company served in Col. Boyer’s regiment which served directly under General Campbell, who, he noted, was a militia officer who was killed during the campaign. The overall field commanders were General Wayne (Mad Anthony Wayne), General Lafayette and General Muhlenburg. He also noted that he served as a volunteer under the command of Col. Armistead on several short tours, but provided no information on their duration, extent or time. Presumably, the situations referred to were skirmishes and forays that occurred during the third tour. On this tour he testified that his unit marched from Staunton, where they were mustered into service, through Richmond and on to Williamsburg, following in the trail of General Cornwallis’ army. He was involved in a sharp skirmish at a place called Green Springs when General Cornwallis was moving his army across the James River. Shortly after that engagement his tour ended, and he returned to Augusta County. His brother further noted that John was also involved in the engagement known as the Battle of Hot Water.1014,1015,1016 |
Southern Strategic Setting and Tactical Operations in 1780 and 1781
By late 1780 and early 1781 the focus of the war had shifted to the south, bringing several British and American armies into the Carolina and Virginia theater of operations. Two American and two British armies, actively supported by French and British naval forces, were campaigning in the area, each side engaged in a last ditch effort to bring the war to a quick and successful conclusion. General Cornwallis commanded a British army in the piedmont area that was being shadowed and occasionally battered by General Greene’s southern army. Benedict Arnold, now an officer in the British army, and General Phillips’ troops, looted and raided the lower James River valley area, but were confined to that region by General Muhlenberg’s army. The main mission of the American forces was to prevent these two armies from combining, while the British forces were intent upon accomplishing that union and blocking any reinforcement from General Washington’s army in New York and New Jersey.1012,1014
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General Cornwallis, following his successful occupation of South Carolina in May of 1780 and several subsequent victories against the Americans, moved into the piedmont where he expected to pick up large numbers of recruits from the local Tories. Instead, he encountered significant resistance from both militia and Contintental forces of the southern army, which, by late 1780, was commanded by General Greene. After his unexpected defeat at the hands of militia forces at King’s Mountain in northwestern South Carolina on 7 October 1780, Cornwallis withdrew deep into South Carolina to spend some time to recover and resupply before resuming his northward march. Meanwhile, in early December of 1780, General Clinton sent the American traitor, Benedict Arnold, to Virginia with a force of about 1200 British Regulars. Arnold attacked Richmond on 5 January 1781, then gradually withdrew to Portsmouth, looting and plundering the surrounding countryside along the way. Here, General Muhlenberg, who had been placed in charge of all American forces in Virginia, kept him bottled up, preventing any union between Cornwallis’ and Arnold’s forces.1012,1014
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On
17 January 1781, Cornwallis encountered General Greene’s army of regular
Continental troops and militia at Cowpens in northwestern South
Carolina, where he suffered another surprising and stinging defeat.
About a month later, in mid February of 1781, a combined, joint, naval
and land expedition, consisting of General Muhlenberg’s American ground
forces in Virginia and French naval forces, carrying a significant
contingent of French ground troops attempted, to completely trap
Benedict Arnold at Portsmouth. Their intent was also to combine with
1200 Continentals led by General Lafayette who were marching overland
from the New York area in order to reinforce the southern troops.
Lafayette was delayed and did not arrive in the area until mid March.
While these forces were maneuvering into place, General Greene, now
sufficiently reinforced with Virginia and North Carolina militia, drew
Cornwallis into a major engagement at Guilford Courthouse in north
central North Carolina on the 15th of March. While technically a British
victory, it proved to be extremely costly in men and materiel for
Cornwallis, forcing him to head to the seaport of Wilmington, North
Carolina to resupply his army so that he could proceed with his
campaign. About the same time, mid March, in a naval engagement referred
to as the First Battle of the Virginia Capes, British naval forces
successfully prevented the French fleet, with its contingent of French
troops, from entering Chesapeake Bay, forcing them to return to their
base in the colony of Rhode Island. British naval forces were then able
to enter Chesapeake Bay and reinforce General Arnold with 3000 troops
under the command of General Phillips, who assumed overall command of
that army. Disappointed by this turn of events Lafayette began
withdrawing his American troops northward to rejoin General Washington’s
main army in New York. In early April, however, based on an urgent
request from General Greene for additional troops to prevent Cornwallis
from combining with General Phillip’s army, General Washington sent
Lafayette’s command back south to serve under Greene.1012,1014 |
In
mid April General Phillips emerged from Portsmouth in force, sending
ground troops across the James River toward Yorktown to raid and
pillage, while a flotilla moved up the Potomac River to do the same, as
well as to block Lafayette from reinforcing Muhlenberg and Greene’s
armies. Lafayette, however, easily slipped across the Potomac and led
his army southward. British ground forces simultaneously pushed the
Virginia militia from their positions around Williamsburg and defeated
Continental and militia forces in an engagement at Petersburg on the
25th of April. About this time Cornwallis, realizing that the expected
Tory support from the southern colonies was not forthcoming, decided to
move his army into Virginia to support Phillip’s aggressive and
successful raiding campaign. On 29 April Lafayette’s force arrived in
Richmond and about a week later General Greene granted him an
independent command. Cornwallis ordered Phillips to bring his army to
Petersburg, and by the 20th of May the two British armies combined.
Several days later they received even more reinforcements when General
Leslie’s men, ordered to Virginia by General Clinton, arrived. The newly
combined British force, numbering just over 7,000 men, was now opposed
by only about 3,000 troops between General Muhlenberg and Lafayette.
General Greene had taken his army to South Carolina and out of the
Virginia operating area, so his force was not in the immediate area. |
British forces were split into three parts. General Leslie was sent to guard Portsmouth, while Benedict Arnold, who replaced Phillips who had died in Petersburg, brought his raiding parties northward. Cornwallis, who now assumed overall command of British troops in the area, set out after Lafayette, who was withdrawing northwestward, anticipating reinforcement from General Mad Anthony Wayne’s 800 Continentals, who had been sent southward to provide further support. When it became clear that Wayne and Lafayette’s armies would merge, Cornwallis ended the pursuit and turned his attention to Charlottesville in an attempt to capture Thomas Jefferson, the Governor of Virginia. On the 4th of June Jefferson escaped capture by fleeing to Staunton where he temporarily set up a government in exile. General William Campbell’s force of 600 Virginia militia troops then blocked the mountain passes, preventing Cornwallis from penetrating the Valley of Virginia. General Wayne finally merged his army with Lafayette’s on the 10th of June as did General William Campbell’s Virginia militia two days later, and these moves brought the American troop strength up to par with Cornwallis’ army. Discouraged by the blocked passes, as well as Lafayette’s combined forces, Cornwallis ended his inland adventures and headed back to the coast to resupply. As Cornwallis slowly withdrew his army, Lafayette constantly sought an advantageous opportunity to engage him. Consequently, over the next several weeks there were constant skirmishes between the American militia and British reconnaissance patrols as Lafayette and Wayne cautiously pursued Cornwallis. It was probably at this time that John Berry’s involvement with Col. Armisted’s command occurred. One such minor engagement, which has become known as the Battle of Hot Water, occurred on the 26th of June at Spencer’s Ordinary a few miles outside of Williamsburg. When Cornwallis arrived in Williamsburg the day before, he received a dispatch from General Clinton, ordering him to send half of his force back to assist in the defense of New York. A dispatch from General Washington to Lafayette, stating that the primary American strategic objective was now to recapture New York City, had been intercepted, prompting General Clinton to recall his forces. Complying with the order, Cornwallis left Williamsburg on the 4th of July and began moving toward Jamestown with the purpose of crossing the James River over to Portsmouth to send the contingent back to New York by sea. Realizing that Lafayette clearly understood how vulnerable his force was at this river crossing, Cornwallis chose to present a tempting trap. He sent the baggage across the river, but kept the bulk of his force on the north side of the river, well hidden along a creek adjacent to a swamp. As General Wayne’s forces proceeded along a primitive road, they emerged from the woods into a clearing in pursuit of what appeared to be the rear guard. Crossing open ground, Wayne’s much smaller force soon encountered Cornwallis’ main force, which began to flank Wayne on his left side. Rather than immediately withdraw, Wayne swiftly ordered a bayonet charge that stunned the British troops, and this allowed Lafayette to support an orderly withdrawal from the field. Since it was late in the day, Cornwallis opted not to pursue the American force and proceeded with his river crossing. Those British troops marched to Portsmouth where they boarded ships and sailed back to New York. Cornwallis took the remaining elements of his army eastward to Yorktown, where, several months later, he ultimately surrendered to the combined French and American forces.1012,1014,1015,1016
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Back to the Timeline
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John Berry testified that his enlistment ended shortly after the Green Spring battle, which took place on 6 July 1781, so a mid July date, possibly as late as 14 July, can be designated as a fairly accurate ending point for this tour. He noted that he was present at the Hot Water Skirmish, which took place on the 26th of June, and that he took part in the pursuit of Cornwallis to Williamsburg. He didn’t mention the pursuit that continued to Yorktown, because his enlistment term had probably ended by that time. After Cornwallis merged his forces with the James River troops of Arnold and Phillips on 20 May, he began pursuing Lafayette. The pursuit ended around the 10th or 12th of June after General Wayne’s Continentals and General Campbell’s Virginia militia joined forces with Lafayette. After that date the combined American forces began pursuing Cornwallis’ retreating army to Williamsburg, and beyond, ultimately to Yorktown. John Berry must have been part of General William Campbell’s Virginia militia as early as 10 June when they merged with Lafayette’s forces. Since his tour ended about a month later, and it was at least two months long, maybe three, he most definitely was part of the force that guarded the passes when Cornwallis was still on the hunt. If John Berry served a two month tour it would have begun about mid May 1781. The starting date on a three month tour would have been mid April. Unfortunately, the disposition of General William Campbell’s Virginia militia is not known for that time period. They must have been providing homeland security back in the Staunton area, or were attached to other Virginia militia forces stationed near Williamsburg and serving under James Innes. No mention of any of these events were made by John Berry in his pension deposition although he did note that he served under General Campbell and General Wayne. The fact that James Innes is not mentioned in his deposition is probably a fairly good indicator that John Berry never served under that commander, so it seems more likely that his unit was back in the Staunton area before Innes merged with Mad Anthony Wayne and Lafayette’s forces. After his term was up, John probably returned home to the Staunton, Virginia area, where he remained for several years.
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From
August 1778 to July 1781 some details of John Berry’s life experiences
can be surmised based on his pension records, cross referenced with
historical documentation of significant events that were occurring at
the time. No doubt the war expanded his horizons, since his multiple
militia deployments caused him to travel outside the area where he grew
up, possibly for the first time in his life, and to meet people from
other parts of the country – not all of them friendly or from the same
cultural background. He marched across country into dangerous territory,
faced hostile fire, built forts in Indian territory, pulled guard duty
under dangerous conditions, confronted highly trained British troops
under hostile conditions and participated in skirmishes and battles, no
doubt getting got shot at. Most likely he saw men killed and wounded in
battle, maybe some people he knew. In between these colorful, dangerous
and exciting adventures, he returned home to what was probably a normal
and comparatively uneventful and routine life of farming. Shortly after
he got back home from his third militia tour the war ended, and a few
months after that was his 21st birthday, so all of his war experiences
occurred when he was a young man between the ages 18 and 21. For a few
years after the war, from 1781 through 1787, he disappeared from the
records. In all likelihood this time was spent working on his parent’s
farm, spending time with his siblings and friends, raising livestock,
and planting and harvesting crops. |
John Berry’s older brother, William Berry, was 26 years old when he came back from the war, and for several years after that William remained in Augusta County with his new and growing family. Sometime between 1785 and August 1787, however, William and family, probably along with his father-in-law, James McCleery, moved west of the Appalachians to a place that would eventually be known as the Bluegrass area of Kentucky. The area was part of Fayette County, Virginia at the time and tax records show both William Berry and his father in law on the same tax list there as early as 15 August 1787. John Berry was still back in Augusta County at this time, and can be found in the tax records in that county. In 1784 and 1786 he was taxed as a male over the age of 21, but he did not own any land, although he did own a small number of horses and cattle. In 1786 there were two white males over the age of 21 in his household. One was John, of course, but the other is unknown, possibly a younger brother – probably George. As late as December of 1787, John was still living in Augusta County where he provided surety for the marriage of his younger sister, Mary Berry. The last time he appeared in Augusta County records was 1789, when he was taxed as a landless white male over the age of 21. He then disappeared from Augusta records and first appeared in Kentucky records in 1790, where he served in the same militia company and was on the same tax list as William Berry and James McCleery. Apparently, sometime between late 1789 and early 1790, John must have picked up stakes and moved out to Fayette County to live either with or near his brother, who was already living in the area. His most likely route of travel would have been the well established trail that followed the valley of Virginia from the Augusta County settlements along the valley of Virginia to the Scotch-Irish settlements in southwest Virginia. Numerous Berry relatives were already living in the area at the time, so he probably would have stayed with some of them. From Washington County the Wilderness Trail led to the Kentucky settlements. Since this trail had not yet been improved to allow wagons, the mode of travel would have switched from wagons to mule trains. It was also more dangerous, due to the lingering threat of harassment by Native Americans, so travel the trip through the mountains to the settled Kentucky outposts would most likely have been in highly armed pack mule convoys. By 1790 John Berry was established in Fayette County and became a member of the local militia. He did not yet own any land, but was taxed as the owner of four horses. Life appears to have remained about the same for the next year, since he appeared in the 1791 tax lists in much the same condition. In July of 1791 the Kentucky Gazette, the local newspaper, published a list of people who had letters waiting for them at the post office, and John Berry who lived near Lexington was listed. Two years later the newspaper again noted that he had a letter waiting for him at the post office.475
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From 1787 until sometime in late 1810 or early 1811, William Berry farmed an 80 acre plot of land nestled in the middle of the Kentucky Bluegrass region in the upper reaches of South Fork of Elkhorn Creek in Fayette County, Virginia/Kentucky. (Figures 87 and 107) John and William Berry appeared in the same county tax book, but in different militia companies, and therefore different tax lists, from 1792 through 1796, so they lived fairly close together in Fayette County, but probably were not immediate neighbors. From 1797 through 1799, however, they both appear on the same Fayette County tax list. While this data indicates that the brothers lived near each other, it might not represent a move for either man, but merely a reorganization of the tax districts within the county. In 1797 John Berry was taxed on 154 acres of first rate land on Marble Creek that had originally been granted to William Stafford and William Hays. The original land grant consisted of a 400 acre tract on Marble Creek obtained through a Certificate of Settlement and an adjacent 1,000 acre preemption by William Stafford. At an unknown date Stafford assigned the land to William Hays, meaning that William Hays bought the land warrant from him. Certificates for the preemption, and probably the original settlement, were issued on 29 June 1780. It was surveyed on 25 January 1783 and granted to William Hays on the 15th and 21st of June 1784. Sometime between 1784, when William Hays secured the patent for his 1400 acre parcel of land, and 1797, John Berry purchased 154 acres of that tract. Marble Creek drains into the Kentucky River in the southeastern corner of modern day Jessamine County around six to ten miles southeast of Lexington. If this is where John Berry lived, as seems to be the case, it certainly was not far from his brother William’s place on South Elkhorn Creek – probably not much more than ten miles separated their homesteads. (Figure 107)1018,1019
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In the spring of 1797 John Berry listed his Marble Creek property in the local newspaper as being for sale, so he was already thinking about moving from the area at that time. The newspaper entry noted that he lived about eight miles from the village of Lexington on the road to the Clark County courthouse. From 1797 through 1799, the latter being the last year John Berry appeared in tax records for this area, John Berry was taxed on his Marble Creek land in Fayette County, but after that date he disappeared from Fayette County tax records never to appear there again. Part of the reason for his absence is that Jessamine County was formed from that part of Fayette County in 1799, and John Berry’s land was apparently on the Jessamine County side. Since he does not appear in Jessamine County tax records in 1800, however, it is clear that he had left the area sometime in 1799. In early to mid 1799, though, he was still living in the area on his Marble Creek property, since, in late February, he was included in a list of local landowners (now in Jessamine County) who were ordered to review the location of a proposed road from William Shreve’s Mill on Hickman Creek to Boone’s Station, located in eastern Fayette County, and in December a lawsuit that involved him was concluded. He certainly did not have to be a resident for the court proceedings to take place, so he could have been out of the county by that time.
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Several Berry relatives spent a few years in John Berry’s corner of the Kentucky Bluegrass area, and their story becomes quite important in understanding John Berry’s movements. Two brothers, William Berry and James Berry, sons of the William Berry who married Jane MaGill, also lived in Fayette County for a short time. Both of these brothers were cousins of John Berry, and due to their proximity, it seems quite likely that there would have been some communication among them. Both brothers were living Scott County, located immediately to the west of Lexington by 1797. (Figure 108) Their movements, at least those of William Berry, are documented in William Berry’s 1832 pension application, where he noted that he remained in Rockbridge County (adjacent to Augusta County) until 1794, at which time he moved to Fayette County. He remained there for several years before moving to Scott County. About ten years later he stated that he moved to Miami County, Ohio, then eventually to Mercer County in the same state. The following entry from William Berry’s 1832 pension application, documents these movements.657 |
… He further states -- |
Both William and James Berry appear in the Fayette tax records briefly in the mid 1790s before they moved on to Scott County, as shown in Table LII (The Scott County tax records need to be researched to further document their presence in that county.) The importance of this information lies in the fact that one of them, James Berry, a former, albeit brief, resident of Fayette County where John Berry lived, was most likely living in Scott County with his brother in 1799. It was that James Berry, along with a John Berry, that a Harrison County deed recorded as buying 450 acres of land on the South Fork of the Licking River in Harrison County. Virginia land records show that this property was part of a 3,000 acre tract that was surveyed on 1 June 1786 and granted to John Morton by the Commonwealth of Virginia on 19 February 1788. At the time that Morton obtained the grant, the area was well within the boundaries of Fayette County, Virginia. Sometime between the latter date and mid August of 1799, at least part of this property was sold to Jacob Zumwalt, who then sold 450 acres of it to John and James Berry. By that time, the state of Kentucky had been created and the counties subdivided so the area was now included within Harrison County, Kentucky. (Figures 107, 108 and 109) While James Berry almost certainly came from Scott County, since his brother William Berry can be documented as living in that county at that time, the home of John Berry at this time is less certain. The John Berry who eventually married Elizabeth Claypoole had just wrapped up his affairs in nearby Fayette County in 1799, so, if this represents the same John Berry, it is possible that he was in between homesteads and living with his Scott County Berry cousins just prior to moving to Harrison County. Supporting this interpretation is the fact that he was still single at this time, and did not yet have the encumbrances of a family during this transition, so temporarily staying with relatives would have been a logical and probably oft-practiced choice during that time period as well as now. If so, then both James and Berry could, indeed, have come from Scott County. |
Table LII
William and James Berry in Fayette County Tax Rolls
Year |
Name |
Tax Data |
1795 |
Wm Berry |
1 white male > 21 1 black 1 black > 16 2 horses 4 cattle 170 acres of 1st Rate Land |
1795 |
Jas Berry |
1 white male > 21 1 horse 2 cattle |
1796 |
James Berry |
1 white male > 21 1 horse |
The very next year, in 1800, James and John Berry suddenly appeared in the Harrison County tax records as landowners, never having appeared in those records before, and were taxed on the land for several years. (Table XXVIII) At first, each one was taxed on their 225 acre half of the 450 acre tract, but by 1804, James Berry disappears from the Harrison County tax records. John Berry continued to be taxed on his 225 acre share of the land purchase, although, eventually, he was leveed for the entire 450 acre tract. When James Berry left the area in 1804 it appears that he moved to Miami County, Ohio, where his brother William had moved. James Berry then passed away sometime before 1815. In the spring of that year, William Berry, the legal heir to James Berry, sold his share of the 450 acre tract to John Berry. A very intriguing element of the 1815 land sale is included in the wordage of the deed, which further supports the interpretation that William and James Berry were brothers and the sons of William Berry and Jane MaGill Berry of Augusta County, Virginia. The legal documentation notes that John and William Berry will defend the title against any claims by Solomon McCampbell, who had married Nancy Berry, the sister of William and James Berry Why would a brother in law challenge this land sale? The answer lies in the estate of William Berry, the father of William, James and Nancy Berry McCampbell. In 1794, James & William Berry sold their father’s land in Rockbridge County, Virginia (after his death and the final estate distribution) for £630. With the money split two ways, between James & William, as the Rockbridge County deed record appears to indicate, each son would get £315. A few years later, in 1799 James Berry and his cousin, John Berry, bought the 450 acre tract for £352 10 shillings. If the monetary contribution was 50/50, then each guy contributed £176 5 shillings, and presumably, James Berry’s contribution came from the sale of his father’s land. If Nancy Berry McCampbell felt that she was unfairly excluded from the original split of the proceeds from the sale of her father’s Rockbridge County land, then she might feel that she was entitled to 1/3 of that sale amount, which would amount to £210. Consequently, when the land was resold, she could get her share as a cash split, and had possibly already initiated legal proceedings to acquire her share. The final outcome of that monetary dispute is unknown, but the connection of Nancy Berry and Solomon McCampbell to this land deal further confirms the identity of James and William Berry.
|
In the late spring of 1802 John Berry married Elizabeth Claypole/Claypoole in Bourbon County, which lies right between Fayette and Harrison Counties and adjacent to both Scott and Harrison Counties. (Figure 108) Harrison County had been formed from parts of Bourbon and Scott Counties in 1793, at a time when John Berry can be documented as living in the south central part of Fayette County. All of the Fayette County boundary adjustments, in fact, occurred either before John Berry migrated to the bluegrass area from Augusta County, or while he was living on his Marble Creek land in the part of Fayette County that eventually was split off to form Jessamine County. No John Berrys occur in the Harrison County records from 1793 until 1800, which was the time that John Berry had just left the Fayette/Jessamine County area. From 1803 through 1808 John Berry and Elizabeth Claypoole had four children, all, of whom, can be reliably documented as being born in Harrison County. The Fayette County tax data, in concert with the county formation dates, and the general proximity of these counties, clearly seems to support the general interpretation that John Berry must have sold his land on Marble Creek in Fayette County and moved to Harrison County where he got married to a girl from nearby Bourbon County, and began building a family. (Figure 109)490,657,1020 |
Multiple John Berrys
Tax
records show that several individuals by the name of John Berry lived in
Harrison County between 1800 and 1845, so correctly identifying and
differentiating them is of utmost importance in making accurate
interpretations. Between 1800 and 1813 three individuals named John
Berry can be found in the Harrison County tax and federal census
records. One of them lived on a 450 acre tract of land on the South
Licking River in the northern part of the county; another lived on 220
acres of land on Twin Creek in the central part of the county, and the
third lived on about 220 acres of land on Indian Creek in the southern
part of the county. Based on well-documented family data, two of these
John Berrys came from the Scotch-Irish Augusta/Washington County
Virginia Berry clan. These were: the John Berry who married Elizabeth
Claypoole, here referred to as Berry/Claypoole, and the John Berry who
married Polly Petit, here referred to as Berry/Petit. Both of these John
Berrys were closely related to each other. The Berry/Claypoole John
Berry was a son of George Berry and Agnes Hall of Augusta County,
Virginia, while the Berry/Petit John Berry was a son of William Berry
and Rebecca McCleary (originally of Augusta County) and a grandson of
George Berry and Agnes Hall. Berry/Claypoole and William Berry, the
father of Berry/Petit were brothers. There are no known family
connections to the third John Berry, so, at this point, he does not
appear to be a member of this Augusta/Washington County Berry group. |
In the process of determining which of the three Harrison County John Berrys is Berry/Claypoole, the Indian Creek John Berry can be eliminated from the entire evaluation process from the start. This man can be traced on the Indian Creek property (or properties) through tax and census from 1805 through 1811, then completely disappears from Harrison County tax records either because he moved on or passed away – more likely the former. Since there is a wealth of documentation supporting the fact that the Berry/Claypoole and Berry/Petit John Berry families were living in Harrison County well beyond 1811, by process of elimination, the Indian Creek John Berry must not represent either of them. Deed records further support this interpretation. When the Indian Creek John Berry sold his land in 1813, his wife’s name was included in the deed records based on her dower rights. Her name was Peggy, which is short for Margaret. The Berry/Clapoole John Berry was married to a woman named Elizabeth, and the Berry/Petit John Berry was married to a woman named Polly, a nickname for Mary, so the three John Berrys, living on different water courses, can also be differentiated by the identity of their wives.1121,1122,1123
|
The
defining source elements that allow for an accurate determination of the
identification of the remaining two John Berrys can be found in the
appearance of a specific widow in the Harrison County tax records
shortly after the death of one of the John Berrys, the identity of
several neighbors, the known Berry family structures as expressed in the
1810 federal census and the identification of the1810 neighbors from a
mid 1830s land sale. Furthermore, each of these John Berrys had multiple
children, and the occurrence of their male children in Harrison County
tax records when each came of taxable age, as well as their geographic
locations at the time, can be used to validate the interpretations. |
Table XXVIII summarizes the Harrison County tax data for all of the individuals named John Berry for the period from 1800 through 1838, including the amount of land owned, the value per acre and the person in whose name his land was originally entered, surveyed and granted. One of the John Berrys can be traced through these records on a 450 acre tract of land located on the South Fork of the Licking River that had been originally granted to John Morton. Actually, the original grantee listed on the tax records for this tract of land goes back and forth between William Henry and John Morton from 1800 through 1809. The original grant from the Commonwealth of Virginia was awarded to John Morton in 1788, but perhaps there was a disagreement for several years over who actually owned the grant. Whatever the cause, from 1810 onward, John Morton was consistently listed as the original grantee. As will be shown below, the land was jointly purchased by James Berry and John Berry in 1799, so, from 1800 through 1806, each Berry was taxed on his half of the tract. John Berry eventually purchased James Berry’s half interest, and was consistently listed as owning the entire 450 acre tract from 1807 onward.
|
The Berry/Claypoole John Berry passed away in 1838, and in 1839, the first year after his death, his widow, Elizabeth Berry, is listed as the owner of this 450 acre tract of land. This most definitely connects the Berry/Claypoole John Berry to this tract of land. Further strengthening this interpretation is the appearance of the Berry/Claypoole male children in the tax records in and around the 450 acre property. The Harrison County tax lists are alphabetical lists, which ordinarily do not lend themselves to positive identifications of proximity. However, an understanding of the method used by the county clerks in compiling the alphabetical lists provides the key for identifying one of the few exceptions when such assessments are possible. In the original tax lists collected by the individual tax list owners, county residents were listed in the order in which they were encountered. The alphabetical lists, which were eventually microfilmed by the LDS (Latter Day Saints) record collectors, were generated by the county clerks as they transferred the information from these original lists into an alphabetical master list. Occasionally the clerks would note on the alphabetical lists that they were compiling that certain lists were not included since the list owner had not submitted the tax lists by a designated due date. This explains why, on occasion, a person might be missing from a microfilmed tax list. The specific manner in which the master list was compiled was that any name with the same beginning letter would have been transferred to the appropriate master alphabetical list category. People with the same last name who were listed as being adjacent on the original list would appear together on the original lists of course, but they would have been transferred to the alphabetized list in the same order. Consequently, while the master lists are alphabetical, there is some living order to them - not much, but same-named people living next to each other on the original lists can appear adjacent in the recompiled master alphabetical list. This is the case with the Berry male children. From 1829 through 1838, Milton Berry, the second oldest son of John Berry and Elizabeth Claypoole, appears immediately adjacent to the Berry/Claypoole John Berry in the tax lists. John G. (Green) Berry, Nancy Berry and James M (Madison) Berry, all children of Berry/Claypoole, also began being listed immediately adjacent to Elizabeth Berry in 1839. The listing of John Berry’s widow as the owner of the 450 acre tract, combined with the presence of their children in the immediate vicinity confirms the identification of this John Berry beyond the shadow of a doubt.
|
Based on tax, deed and federal census records, the Twin Creek John Berry
can be identified as being the Berry/Petit John Berry. Perhaps the
fundamental element of proof for this interpretation is that the Twin
Creek John Berry, who passed away in 1851, continued to be taxed on his
land for years on his property long after the Berry/Claypoole John Berry
had passed away in 1838. Beginning in 1811 and continuing at least
through 1845, this John Berry can be identified as owning anywhere from
223 ½ to 370 acres of land on Twin Creek that had originally been
granted to Samuel McMillen. There are a few instances of other
individuals being the original grantee, but Samuel McMillen’s name
appears as the grantee most often, and John Berry continuously owned the
land at least until 1845. From the 1810 census records, the known family
structures for both the Berry/Claypoole and Berry/Petit John Berry
families can be easily identified from the age ranges of the family
members. In addition, the neighbors for each family can also be
identified. Unlike the Harrison County tax records, which are
alphabetized recompilations, the federal census data represent a
faithful recording of the order of the households visited by the census
takers in the order of their door to door enumerations. In the 1810 John
Berry enumeration with the family that matches the Berry/Petit family at
the time, Edward Clifford and David Williams were enumerated immediately
adjacent to John Berry. Edward Clifford and Thomas Williams, most likely
a son of David Williams, were also identified as neighbors in an 1834
land acquisition on Twin Creek, shown below, in which John Berry
purchased 49 acres of land from a neighbor. Finally, beginning in 1833,
one of the sons of Berry/Petit, William Berry, begins to appear in the
tax records adjacent to the Twin Creek John Berry. William also owned
land on Twin Creek. As with the children of Berry/Claypoole, the
presence of documented children of a specific John Berry in the
immediate vicinity further confirms the interpretation.103 |
19 Sept.1834722
witnesseth that the said parties of the first part for and in consideration of the sum of three hundred and fifty Dollars to them in hand paid the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged hath given, granted, bargained, sold, released, conveyed and confirmed and by these presents doth give, grant, bargain, sell, release, convey and confirm unto the sd party of the second part his heirs and assigns forever all that tract or parcel of land lying and being situated in the County and state aforesaid on the waters of Twin Creek [?and] bounded as follows to wit.
Robt Clifford Nancy Clifford
James Clifford Rachel Clifford Charles Clifford Ann (her X mark)
Clifford Thomas (his X mark) Clifford John Clifford Lindsey A. Clifford
Nancy (her X mark) Clifford George R. (his X mark) Chandler Polly
Chandler John (his X mark) Sellars Jane (her X mark) Sellars. I Samuel Endicott, clerk of the County Court for the County aforesaid do certify that this deed from Robt Clifford, James Clifford and others to Jno Berry was produced to me in my office the 13th day of Septr 1834 and acknowledged by said Grantors to be their act and deed and the said Nancy Clifford, Rachel Clifford, Ann Clifford, Nancy Clifford, Polly Chandler, late Polly Clifford and Jane Sellars, late Jane Clifford, wives of the within named Grantors being examined by me separate and apart from their said husbands declare they did freely and willingly seal and deliver said writing and wished not to retreat it and acknowledged said writing again shown and explains to them to be their act and deed and consented that the same might be recorded which is done this 19th day of Septr. 1834. |
Another event that occurred right around this time was the death of John
Berry’s father, George Berry, Sr. In his will he left John a parcel of
land on the Guyandotte River, although he couldn’t recollect exactly how
many acres the tract contained. George Sr. had originally purchased a
Treasury Warrant on 3 February 1782 for 270 acres of land on the
Guyandotte River in Montgomery County, Virginia. The survey was
conducted on 4 November 1783, and George Sr. was granted the patent on
20 October 1786. Apparently, he held onto the land until his death,
because he passed the entire tract on to his son John. At the present
time, the tax and property records covering this land parcel have not
been researched. Due to subsequent county boundary changes, though, the
Guyandotte River, at least by 1803, was no longer part of Montgomery
County, but lay within the confines of Kanawha and Tazewell Counties,
now part of the state of West Virginia. |
Table XXVIII
John Berry’s Harrison County Tax Data
1800 – 1828
Year |
Acres |
Entered/Surveyed/Granted |
Rate |
Value/Acre |
1800 |
225 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1801 |
225 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1802 |
225 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1803 |
225 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1804 |
225 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1805 |
ND |
ND |
|
|
1806 |
ND |
ND |
|
|
1807 |
ND |
ND |
|
|
1808 |
450 |
Morton |
|
|
1809 |
450 |
Wm Henry |
|
|
1810 |
450 |
John Morker/Martin |
3 |
|
1811 |
450 |
J Martin |
3 |
|
1812 |
450 |
J Martin |
|
|
1813 |
450 |
J Morton |
|
|
1814 |
450 |
J Morton |
|
$5 |
1815 |
450 |
John Morton |
|
$5 |
1816 |
450 |
J Morton |
|
$5 |
1817 |
450 |
J Morton |
|
$5 |
1818 |
450 |
John Morton |
|
$6 |
1819 |
450 |
Morton |
|
$7 |
1820 |
ND |
ND |
|
|
1821 |
450 |
Morton |
|
$5 |
1822 |
450 |
Morton |
|
$5 |
1823 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$5 |
1824 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$6 |
1825 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$7 |
1826 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$5 |
1827 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$4 |
1828 |
450 |
Mortin |
|
$4 |
ND = No Data
The Saga of the Slaves
As shown by county tax and federal census records, John Berry was a slave owner. The data from these sources, meager as it is, can be analyzed to draw some reasonable and logical conclusions about the lives of this disenfranchised group of individuals who lived and worked in the shadows of their white family. It should not be forgotten that the reason any information on their existence appears in these records at all is because these Africans were considered to be taxable property. That being said, this data provides a golden opportunity to cast some light on these enslaved individuals and suggest an interpretation on a probable family structure. The tax data summarized in Table XXIX shows the number of slaves John Berry owned from 1790 through 1828, as well as the age categories of the individuals as exhibited in the county tax records. The federal census data, allows a further definition, providing more focused information on their gender and age categories.
|
In 1790 and 1791 John Berry owned no slaves. From 1792 through 1796, though, he owned one slave who was under the age of 16 so sometime in late 1791 or early 1792 he must have purchased his first African. 1797 was an anomalous year for John Berry, at least in regard to his slave ownership since in that year, and that year only, he was taxed on nine slaves, all, of whom, were over the age of 16. That is also the only year he was taxed on property in Fayette County. John’s brother William also experienced such an anomalous year in 1809. Both brothers typically owned a small number of slaves, but for one year were taxed on seven or eight additional individuals. What this represents is not completely understood. Maybe they purchased a large number of slaves for some reason, but only maintained ownership for one year. Then again, maybe this was a service provided to a more powerful individual in the community, serving as a mechanism to hide taxable income. Unfortunately, at this point in time, any explanation on this subject is merely speculation.
|
There’s no tax data for 1798, but in 1799 John Berry is back to owning only a small number of slaves, two, in fact, and both are over the age of 16. Between late 1799 and early 1800 John Berry left Fayette County and moved to Harrison County. When he first appeared in Harrison County tax records, in 1800, he owned one slave, and from 1800 through 1803 he was taxed on one slave, probably the same individual, who was over the age of 16. There are no slaves listed in his household from 1804 through 1807. In 1808, however, he appears as the owner of one slave again. In 1809 and 1810 there were two, and the numbers slowly increased from there. Of even more interest and significance is the interpretation that two of these individuals might represent an enslaved African husband and wife or at least some common law version of such a relationship. The 1810 federal census lists John Berry as owning two blacks. From 1810 to 1820 the number of slaves owned by John Berry increased slowly, rising to a total of six by 1819. If these individuals represent the children of this enslaved couple, that rate amounts to one new child every year and a half, which is a rather normal child production rate. During this period only two of those slaves were over the age of 16. The rest, obviously, were younger than that, which means that they were probably young children. The 1820 federal census casts a bit more light on the age and gender structure of these individuals. John Berry’s slave group that year consisted of a male and a female, each between the age of 26 and 45 along with three males and two females under the age of 14. This certainly bears a strong resemblance to a growing family. The tax and census data seems to strongly support the notion that this assemblage of blacks constituted a family led by a mother and father who, over the past ten years, had created that family. Thus, just as was the case with his brother, William Berry, the household of John Berry appears to have consisted of a free white family of Scotch-Irish ancestry and an enslaved black family with African origins. From 1821 through 1828 the African family slowly increased to nine people, and in 1828 one of the younger ones appears to have reached the age of 16, thus crossing into the “adult” age bracket. Depending on the actual birth date and what time of year the tax data was taken, this individual’s birth date calculates either to 1811 or 1812. The former year is the first where a third slave appears in John Berry’s county tax records, and that slave was listed in the “under 16” category, which makes perfect sense for a newborn baby. The tax and census records, thus, seems to document the growth and development of the enslaved family from year to year better than they do for the white family.
|
The black family was once again profiled in the 1830 federal census records. The older male slave is gone, possibly through death, but a sale is not out of the question. He could also have been hired out to neighbors at the time. The two young boys listed as being under the age of 14 in 1820 can be identified as the males in the 10 to 24 year age bracket. This direct correlation of two individuals through gender and age over a ten year period strongly supports the notion that these are the same individuals, which buttresses the family theory for these Africans. The status of the two girls under the age of 14 in 1820 is a little less clear. In the 1830 records one of the girls is in the 10 to 24 year old bracket, while the other is under ten. This could easily be interpreted as being the same two girls if the younger one was a newborn in 1820. On the other hand, one of the 1820 girls could have died or have been sold, making the younger 1830 girl a new addition since 1820. The girl in the 10 to 24 year old category, however, is clearly one of the 1820 girls, since she appears to have aged “correctly” over the ten year period. Since there are two boys and one girl in the 10 to 24 year old age bracket in the 1830 census records, it is impossible to determine the gender of the oldest child who was born in 1811.
|
The data also allows a determination of the birth dates, or at least a range of dates, for the two older slaves. Based on the 1820 federal census data, both the male and the female Africans were born sometime between 1775 and 1794. As noted above, by 1830 the older male slave was gone, but the older female is still in the household, and her age was listed as being somewhere between 36 and 55. This places her birth date between 1775 and 1794, the same age range as determined for both of them in the 1820 census records. If the two slaves documented by the county tax records directly correspond to the older male and female slaves in the census records, then the approximate birth date of one of them, the one that was first acquired about 1808, can be determined. While John Berry owned African slaves as early as 1792, he didn’t own slaves continuously, every year, until 1808, so any age interpretation can only apply to slaves he owned from that date forward. Applying the birth date range of the older slaves from the 1820 census records, the slave that appeared in John Berry’s household in 1808 must have been born sometime between 1775 and 1794. If the birth occurred in the earlier part of that time period, that is, before 1783 or so, then chances are this person had been brought into Kentucky from elsewhere. At that time, there were a small number of African slaves who had been brought into Kentucky by early settlers, and most of those settlers were from Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina. There certainly could have been a small number of African births in Kentucky at this time, and maybe some of them were brought by Pennsylvania settlers, but the bulk of the slaves in Kentucky came from Virginia and North Carolina. While postulating a birth place for one of John Berry’s slaves represents a rather broad estimate, the sketchy evidence certainly seems to support such a conclusion. An interpretation of this data suggests that at least one of John Berry’s slaves, and possibly both of the older ones, could have been born in either Virginia or North Carolina. |
Table XXIX
Slave Information from Tax Records 1790 – 1829
Year |
# of Slaves |
Age Category |
|
Year |
# of Slaves |
Age Category |
1790 |
0 |
|
|
1810 |
2 |
2 > 16 |
1791 |
0 |
|
|
1811 |
3 |
2 > 16 |
1792 |
1 |
1 < 16 |
|
1812 |
5 |
2 > 16 |
1793 |
1 |
1 < 16 |
|
1813 |
4 |
2 > 16 |
1794 |
1 |
1 < 16 |
|
1814 |
4 |
2 > 16 |
1795 |
1 |
1 < 16 |
|
1815 |
4 |
2 > 16 |
1796 |
1 |
|
|
1816 |
5 |
2 > 16 |
1797 |
9 |
9 > 16 |
|
1817 |
5 |
2 > 16 |
1798 |
ND |
ND |
|
1818 |
5 |
2 > 16 |
1799 |
2 |
2 > 16 |
|
1819 |
6 |
2 > 16 |
1800 |
1 |
|
|
1820 |
ND |
ND |
1801 |
1 |
|
|
1821 |
7 |
2 > 16 |
1802 |
1 |
1 > 16 |
|
1822 |
7 |
2 > 16 |
1803 |
1 |
1 > 16 |
|
1823 |
6 |
2 > 16 |
1804 |
0 |
|
|
1824 |
8 |
2 > 16 |
1805 |
0 |
|
|
1825 |
9 |
2 > 16 |
1806 |
ND |
ND |
|
1826 |
9 |
2 > 16 |
1807 |
0 |
|
|
1827 |
7 |
2 > 16 |
1808 |
1 |
1 > 16 |
|
1828 |
9 |
2 > 16 |
1809 |
2 |
2 > 16 |
|
1829 |
ND |
ND |
ND = No Data
Two final bits of information are available for John Berry’s enslaved Africans. After John Berry passed away in the summer of 1838, his estate was appraised. His slaves were identified by name in this effort and their value was assessed as shown in Table XXX. There are a total of eight slaves in this listing – six are male and two are female, and, while there is no clue provided as to their ages, they can be easily categorized by their value. Joseph, Lucinda, Louis and Violet and Nelson, the high value slaves, were each worth $600 or more, while Alexander, George, Newton and Violet, the low value individuals, were valued at $300 or less. The highest value slaves were probably evaluated that way because they were in the peak of their productive lives and thus able to contribute more labor. The others were either very young or very old, and possibly ill, and thus, most likely in the stage of life either before or after their peak years and value, or, if one of them was ill, undervalued for that reason. The tax and census records depict an older male in John Berry’s slave household throughout the teens and 1820s, but he appears to be gone by 1830. Since he would have been the only older male, the males of lower value in the 1838 estate appraisal probably represent young boys. The census and tax records also show the presence of an older female, who was still alive in 1830, along with two younger females. In the 1838 estate appraisal, one of the two females falls into the high value range, being worth as much as the high value males, while the other female lies in the lower category. It seems most logical to assume, as with the high value males, that the higher value female is a woman in the prime of her life, perhaps trained as a house servant, while the lower value female is either an old woman or a younger girl. The last data source providing age information for the female slaves was the 1830 census, and in that data, both an older and a younger female were identified. Consequently, no determination of age can be made for the lower value female from the 1838 appraisal. |
Table XXX
African Slaves in John Berry’s 1838 Estate Appraisal
Name | Value |
Joe | $600 |
Louis | $800 |
Lucinda | $600 |
Violet | $300 |
Alexander | $300 |
George | $200 |
Newton | $150 |
Nelson | $700 |
The
other data set containing information on the identity of the enslaved
Africans comes from the July 1863 appraisal of the estate of John
Berry’s widow, Elizabeth Claypole Berry (Table XXXI). In this document
her estate was listed as including four slaves who are identified by
name, approximate age and monetary value. According to this data, two of
them, Joseph and Lucinda, were born during the time period when John
Berry’s Harrison County tax records documented the number and age
categories of his human property. They were also both listed as high
value slaves in his 1838 estate appraisal, suggesting that they were in
the prime of their lives. If the slaves in this estate appraisal had
been owned by the family for a long time, which appears to be the case,
then they represent some of the enslaved Africans that the Berry family
had owned during the teens and 1820s. In 1863 Joseph was described as a
negro man about 50 years of age, which places his birth about 1813, but
maybe a year or two on either side of that date given the indicated
uncertainty of his actual age. In 1813, 1814 and 1815 John Berry’s tax
records show that he owned a total of four slaves, but in 1815 the
number increased to five, remaining at that level until 1818. Based on
the federal census, county tax and estate appraisal data, it is quite
reasonable to assume that one of the slaves under the age of 16 listed
in John Berry’s tax records from 1815 through 1828 was Joseph. In 1819
the number of Africans owned by John Berry increased to six, and the
next year to seven. Likewise, from Lucinda’s age in 1863 her birth date
can be calculated as being about 1819, so, assuming she had remained her
entire life in the Berry slave household, she must also have been one of
the slaves documented in these records. Consequently, if the
interpretation is correct, Joseph can be traced through these records
for the first 15 years of his life, and Lucinda is traceable until she
was 11. Both then appear in 1863 when Elizabeth Claypole Berry passed
away, then disappear once again into the anonymous mists of history. For
only a brief, fleeting moment, their lives and an element of their
humanity is visible. Since John’s wife, Elizabeth ended up with only two
of the slaves listed in John Berry’s 1838 estate appraisal, the younger
two, Nelson and Caroline, being born later, the other slaves must have
been distributed to other family members. If John Berry’s will were
available, then these estate distributions might be traceable. |
A final bit of information can be squeezed from the slave data. Based on the two estate appraisals, John and Elizabeth’s, coupled with the tax and census data, several more individual slaves, in addition to Joseph and Lucinda, can be tracked, to a limited extent. In the 1838 estate appraisal the other two high value slaves are Louis and Nelson, both males, obviously. Assuming they were also in the prime of their lives, they might also represent slaves in the tax and census data. In the 1830 census there was another male in the 10 to 24 year old category besides Joseph, and that was either Nelson or Louis. There were also two males under 10 years of age. If one of them was nine years old in 1830, he would have been 18 years old in 1838 and could probably be considered to be entering into the prime of his life. Unfortunately, there is no way to determine which age category either Nelson or Louis fell into. There is one male under the age of 10 in the 1830 census, and he is probably either Alexander, George or Newton. The best guess at this point is that this represents Alexander, since he was the highest valued individual in the low value category. The other two males could represent a third generation of slaves, possibly being sons of one or more of the higher value slaves. That leaves Violet as the last slave to account for. Both the 1820 and the 1830 federal census records track two young females and an older female. One of the younger females is clearly Lucinda, but, since no determination can be made as to the age of Violet, she could either represent the older or the younger female. Only two females were listed in the 1838 estate appraisal, but eight years earlier there were three females. Either one died, was received by a child of John Berry as part of an inheritance or was sold. Given that John Berry did not appear to be buying and selling slaves regularly, but maintained a fairly stable slave family in his household, coupled with the fact that the older male had already left the scene, possibly by passing away, a logical interpretation would be that Violet represents the younger female. If this assessment is correct, then Violet can be tracked, indirectly, to about 1820. |
Table XXXI
Negros in Elizabeth (Claypole) Berry’s July 1863 Estate Appraisal
Name | Value | Age | DOB |
Joseph | $200 | 50 | 1813 |
Nelson | $600 | 23 | 1840 |
Lucinda | $200 | 44 | 1819 |
Caroline | $500 | 17 | 1846 |
John Berry and Elizabeth Claypole were married in the late spring of 1802 in Bourbon County, Kentucky, which is most likely where her family was living at the time. Elizabeth was considerably younger that John, being born in 1781 in Culpepper County, Virginia, about the time that John was returning home from his final war time deployment. Nearly a year later John’s father, George Berry, passed away back in Augusta County, Virginia. Elizabeth must have been pregnant at that time, because their first child was born shortly after George Berry’s will was finalized. For the next few years three more babies arrived about every year and a half, which is pretty much the same rate at which their enslaved African family was producing children at least between 1811 and 1821. The time gaps between babies increased even more for their last three children, stretching from four to eight years between new arrivals. The long gaps could suggest that one or more children could have been lost in the interim. When their last child was born in 1825, John was 65 years old and Elizabeth was 44. Their first child, George, was obviously named after John’s father, and both a son and a daughter were named after John and Elizabeth, but no naming pattern can be discerned for the other children. Altogether, they had three boys and four girls, so it is not too difficult to imagine the enslaved family providing some of the household care.
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John Berry can be traced both directly and indirectly, through tax, census, marriage, land and pension records from 1760 through 1834 - a period of 74 years. His last appearance in Harrison County tax records was 1828 and, in federal census records, 1830. The last legal footprint left by John Berry while he was still alive was an 1834 Harrison County land sale. In that deed record he added 49 acres to an existing land parcel he owned on Twin Creek. He purchased the 49 acre addition from the Clifford family, all descendants and heirs of Edward Clifford. His daughter, Octavia, eventually married Lindsey Clifford, as shown by the 1850 census. In that enumeration, Elizabeth Claypole Berry, John’s widow, was living with her daughter, Octavia Clifford, Octavia’s husband, Lindsey, and three young children. Lindsey is ten years older than Octavia, according to the 1850 census, so the Lindsey Clifford mentioned as one of the heirs of Edward Clifford in the 1834 land sale, certainly could be the same Lindsey who eventually married John’s daughter, Octavia. In 1834 Lindsay has a wife named Nancy, so, if this is the same Lindsey Clifford, then Octavia Berry was his second wife.
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On 7 June 1832, Congress passed a law allowing veterans of the Revolutionary War to apply for pensions. Specifically, it was called an “Act for the relief of certain surviving officers and soldiers of the revolution”, and specified that those who served in the continental line (regular army), state troops, volunteers or militia for one or more tours and for at least two years during the Revolutionary War were entitled to the amount of their full pay at the rank they served. The compensation was backdated to begin on 4 March 1831 and was to extend until the veteran passed away. In addition, all pension applicants were required to submit documentary evidence to substantiate their claims of military service. Not long after the law was passed, John Berry submitted his completed application. On 19 September 1832 his brother William Berry, who lived in St. Louis, Missouri, submitted a deposition in support of his brother’s pension application, and in early December of that year John Berry appeared before the county court in Harrison County and presented his testimony, documenting specific details of his military service during the war. A year later, on 6 December 1833, the county court confirmed the legitimacy of the documents, and he appears to have been approved for a pension of $46.66 per year.1023
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John Berry passed away in Harrison County, Kentucky. Just over five months later, in late January of 1839 the results of his estate appraisal, which had been ordered by the court shortly after his death, were presented in court. Table XXXII represents a categorization of the items in his estate along with a summary of appraisal values for all items in each category. This data clearly shows that, without a doubt, the most valuable property items were living things - his slaves and his livestock. Together, they constituted 84% of his estate value with the slaves comprising the bulk of these asset categories. Crops and farm products, the fruits of their agricultural labor, were the next most valuable category. Everything else, furniture, cash, farm equipment, tools and household items, trickled in at values between 1 and 3% of the total value of the estate. |
Table XXXII
Results of John Berry’s Estate Appraisal
Category |
Appraised Value |
Percent |
Slaves |
$3,650.00 |
70% |
Livestock |
$722.00 |
14% |
Crops & Farm Products |
$363.50 |
7% |
Farm Equipment & Tools |
$160.25 |
3% |
Furniture |
$127.50 |
3% |
Cash/Loans |
$93.50 |
2% |
Household Items |
$64.00 |
1% |
Total |
$5,180.75 |
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When the line items within each of the asset categories are closely scrutinized (Table XXXIII), an even more focused view of John Berry’s life is possible. The slaves, which constituted a whopping 70% of the total value of his estate, consisted of only eight people - six males and two females. More importantly, though, additional information can be gleaned as to the structure and relationships of this group of individuals. Within this group of eight enslaved people there was a group of older slaves and a group of younger ones with males and females within both age groups. This age and gender distribution provides an inkling of evidence to support the interpretation that this was a group of related people – more specifically, an enslaved family. A man and a woman living together and having children over a period of years would logically be expected to be represented at such a basic and simplified level of only age and gender categorization as a group of people of both genders divided among all age ranges. If the 1820 census for John Berry’s family is examined in the same way, similar results are observed – an older male and female associated with a larger number of younger males and females. |
Table XXXIII
Listing & Categorization of Estate Items
Slaves |
Livestock |
2 men |
18 cattle |
Furniture |
Household Items |
tables |
clock silver spoons counter pan coffee mill tea kettle spinning wheel umbrella books tin ware |
Crops & Farm Products |
Tools & Farm Equipment |
corn hay wheat oats wool rolls |
wagon |
Livestock, which formed 14% of the estate appraisal, the second most represented asset grouping, consisted of 138 animals, split among cattle, horses and sheep of various ages and genders (Table XXXIII). Clearly, a small number of enslaved human beings were much more valuable than a much larger assemblage of food sources, product makers and working beasts. Indeed, of the two classes of living creatures that constituted John Berry’s property, a mere 5% of the total amounted to a staggering 71% of the total estate value. The livestock constituted only 14% of the estate value despite the fact that these creatures constituted 95% of the living creatures owned by John Berry. All these figures alone are a sad and rather stark and telling expression of the value of human life.
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Elements of the livestock distribution are also quite interesting. There’s a total of ten horses, ranging from three old horses, one of which, was blind, to four mares and three fillies, the latter two groups, of course, being females. The older horses must have put in a lifetime of work, and appear to be showing the effects. The rest of the herd consists of three “middle aged” mares, one or more of them, presumably, being the mothers of the three young female horses. The entire herd spanned old to young age categories, and the bulk of them were female, at least where gender was differentiated. The 18 cattle can be divided into old, young and very young age categories, and since 13 of them, which amounts to 72% of the cattle herd, were identified as young calves or just plain calves, John Berry’s cattle herd can be described as being quite youthful. There were three cows and two heifers, but no bulls or steers were identified, so the older cattle identified in these records are all female. Cattle and horses, together, comprise only 25% of his livestock, the rest are all sheep, but absolutely no differentiation was made, either in regard to age or gender, for those animals.
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With both his livestock and his human “herd” it appears that John Berry relied upon a natural increase in their numbers to improve, expand and fortify the value of his property holdings. He doesn’t appear to have had the need to purchase additional animals, since he could rely upon their own natural breeding to accomplish that function. While this, even, today, is an acceptable method of increasing the size and value of a herd of livestock, when applied to humans, particularly from our distant and separated in time point of view, it seems wholly unethical and immoral. Still, it should be kept in mind that this was a standard practice of the times, at least in the South, and to a certain extent with Native American cultures. The human involvement in this practice has long since been eradicated, although not without massive bloodletting and loss of life. The sacrifice of our African ancestors, trapped in seemingly permanent servitude for generations, combined with the sacrifice of those, mostly white, ancestors who, sometimes unwittingly, helped break this chain of human bondage in North America, should always be remembered. To a great extent, we are what we are now, because of the pathway our ancestors traveled on the way to our current reality.
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Crops and Farm Products form the next most important element of John Berry’s personal property. The appraisal records (Table XXXIII) don’t reveal much data - sheafed oats, bushels of wheat, hay stacks, acres of corn and wool rolls, but the paucity of discrete data is somewhat misleading. This information, coupled with the fact that he was a livestock owner, clearly establishes the fact that John Berry was a farmer. In fact, the 1820 federal census noted that he was engaged in agriculture, so, quite clearly, he was a stockman and a farmer. He planted crops of corn, wheat, oats and hay, most likely for both internal consumption with the planned excess destined for commercial sale. His herd of sheep were regularly sheared for their wool, most likely with the same personal and commercial drives. His human and livestock holdings were, clearly, intimately intertwined, one being necessary to serve the other, but, as already shown, and what is even more glaringly revealed with this data, is the fact that the enslaved Africans were not only much more valuable than their livestock “counterparts”, they were more valuable than the fruits of their labor – yet another manifestation of the value of human life – even enslaved human life.
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John Berry’s Farm Equipment and Tools together racked up a whopping 3% of his total assets. The details of these asset groups, however, are quite revealing of his life and times (Table XXXIII). The wagon, chains, saddles and saddle bags clearly attest to the fact that he lived during the horse powered conveyance era, and the rifle, shotgun and pouch and powder horn indicate that his weapons were black powder flintlocks. The various knives, chisels, froe, iron wedges and grindstones testify toa life working with wood, and, in particular, the knives also suggest the handling and slaughtering animals, most likely some of his own livestock to supplement the food supply of his white and black families. He owned a set of blacksmithing tools, which clearly demonstrate that he, or someone in his household, worked with metal, possibly manufacturing various items like door hinges and the like, but also quite likely handling and preparing horseshoes. The harrow, ploughs and scythe are definite indicators of his agricultural skills, and the blacksmith tools clearly indicate that he made metal items, probably many of the items in his own home.
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About equal in asset value to the Farm Equipment and Tools were the Furniture items. The list of his furniture items is fairly simple, and, on the surface, they seem like such trivial things, but these were some of the creature comforts that made life much more bearable (Table XXXIII). He had four tables, including breakfast and dining tables, as well as a deeping table (probably a low table), all, of which, are differentiated by function. There’s an old bureau and a chest, which were probably reserved for clothes and linens, and a secretary, which is an old term for a desk. John and Elizabeth must have used it to keep track of any paperwork associated with the business end of their lives. Two mirrors are on the list, which, clearly, allowed them to check on their personal appearance. The old name for them, looking glass, was used, which certainly dates the information. Kitchen furniture was categorized together, and there were two occurrences of cupboards and ware, much, of which, probably consisted of plates, glasses, bowls and silverware and possibly pots and pans. Four beds, along with the associated bedsteads reveal the presence of at least four and possibly five people who must have been living in the household at the time of John Berry’s death. One of the beds is described as being a trunnel bed – a bed fastened together with wooden pegs rather than nails. Most of these furniture items are not particularly revealing or informative, but several items do stand out as being rather representative of the time period. First of all, the mirrors are referred to as looking glasses, which definitely has an 18th and 19th century flair to it. In addition, while referring to a desk as a secretary is not entirely uncommon today, it was a much more common reference in the 1800s.1024
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Next in value were his cash and loan income assets, which accounted for 2% of the value of the estate. He had $26 in cash, but, apparently, he had loaned money to several people, one of whom, was his son James, and all were required to pay the rest of their debt to John Berry’s estate. The fact that John Berry was owed money at all means that he had a cash surplus that could be used to help his friends, neighbors and close relatives. The only debt with a stated interest issue was the one to his son. Household items constitute a rather small asset group, amounting to only 1% of his holdings, and are rather nondescript, comprising such items as plates, glasses, silverware, a clock, coffee mill, tea kettle, umbrellas, books and fireplace andirons. What does stand out in high definition are the spinning wheels. Apparently, the wool from the sheep was harvested and spun into thread. Somewhere in the community, no doubt, there was someone who owned a loom to make cloth from all of this raw material.
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About a year after John Berry’s estate was appraised, his property was auctioned off at an estate sale, and some of the details of that event are quite revealing. The data in Table XXXIV lists the results of the sale in the same categories as appraisal and compares the appraisal to sale values. The slaves were not put up for sale, since they went to the family members, but everything else was on the auction block. When the value of the slaves and the cash and loans are removed from the estate appraisal figure the remainder, $1437.25, is very close to the total sales amount ($1616.53) derived from the estate sale for the same category items. As shown in the comparison table (Table XXXIV), the major difference in value appears to have been in a higher than expected sales value for the crops. Since the value of the items sold nearly matches the value of those same items when they were appraised, except for the crops, it appears that the appraisal was conducted in a fair and accurate manner. |
Table XXXIV
Comparison of Appraisal to Estate Sale Values
Category | Appraisal | Sale |
Livestock Products | $722.00 | $762.47 |
Crops/Farm Products | $363.50 | $450.92 |
Farm Equipment/Tools | $160.25 | $126.12 |
Furniture | $127.50 | $126.12 |
Household Items | $64.00 | $54.53 |
$1,437.25 | $1,616.53 |
In addition, the bulk of the item purchases at the sale were made by family members, as shown in Table XXXV, so while they had to pay for it, the family members were able to recover most of the property from their father’s house. |
Table XXXV
Family Purchases at Estate Sale
Name |
Purchase Total |
Elizabeth Berry |
$126.25 |
G. W. Berry |
$423.85 |
J. M. Berry |
$105.53 |
John Berry |
$520.47 |
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$1,176.11 |
Originally, pension payments were to end at the death of the veteran, but subsequent amendments to the pension law, in particular, one made on 7 July 1838, not long before John Berry’s death, and another on 23 August 1842, changed the compensation package by allowing continued full pension payments to the widows of veterans for a period of five years as long as the widow did not remarry. The only stipulations were that their marriage had to have occurred after the military service ended and before 1 January 1794. Since John and Elizabeth got married in 1802, it appears that Elizabeth was eligible for half of the pension, amounting to $23.33 a year, and that remarriage was not an option if she expected to continue to receive those payments. Several later adjustments to the pension law extended benefits of the widows, removed the remarriage penalty, and successively extended the time limits of compensation. Elizabeth Claypole Berry filed the appropriate paperwork and appears to have been approved for the pension continuations and extensions, ultimately, obtaining a pension, based on her husband’s military service, for the rest of her life.1025
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By 1850, twelve years after the death of her husband, Elizabeth was living in the household of her daughter, Octavia Berry Clifford, in Harrison County, Kentucky. Ten years later, at the time of the 1860 census, she was still in Harrison County, but by then she was living in the household of her son, John Green Berry. Three years later, on 10 June 1863, she passed away, presumably in Harrison County. Her estate was appraised the day after her death, and consisted, of some furniture, mostly bedroom furniture and bedding, and some basic household items like a clock, plates and silverware. There was also a hackle, which was used to sort flax, so she must have continued to make cloth in her widow years, and, most notably, a number of slaves and some loans due her. Apparently, she had some money that she could loan to relatives. Her debtors were her son George, her son in law, Lindsey Clifford, and several other unidentified individuals. The slaves, again, appeared in the estate inventory, but not in the estate sale, so they, clearly, became the property of her children. In the appraisal, four African slaves were identified, along with their value and their age. Based on their ages, two of them, Nelson and Caroline, had been born after her husband’s 1839 estate appraisal, where his slaves were identified, so they were definitely not part of his life. The other two, however, Joseph and Lucinda, age 50 and 44 respectively, were born in 1813 and 1819. Their names appear in John Berry’s 1839 estate appraisal, so, based on their ages, birth dates and their apparent continued existence in the Berry household, it seems logical to assume that these are the same individuals. If they are, according to the slave family theory suggested in this report, their birthdates correspond to a time period when the original slave couple owned by John and Elizabeth were having children. Consequently, at least these two individuals represent the second generation of African slaves owned by John and Elizabeth Berry. The younger two possibly represent a third generation. Another noteworthy item is that, assuming they are the same individuals, their value decreased considerably in the fourteen years between Berry estate appraisals, from $600 to $200 each, which makes perfect sense, considering their stage of life, as examined earlier in this report. Older slaves, no longer being in the prime of their lives, and probably suffering from the debilitating effects of age and a rather hard life, would not be as valuable as younger slaves in the prime of their life. Nelson and Caroline, the younger slaves, were worth $600 and $500, respectively, which seems to support this interpretation. Another factor might have been the approaching emancipation of slaves, which could have depressed values. The Emancipation Proclamation, issued by President Lincoln on 1 January 1863, applied to the Confederate States minus Tennessee. Kentucky’s emancipation did not occur until the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was implemented, on 18 December 1865, at which time the Berry slaves, presumably now owned by some of the adult children of John and Elizabeth, by then both deceased, received their freedom. |
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