The
literature is religious; paraphrases of parts of the Bible, pious
legends,
saint’s lives and spiritual fantasies. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles is
one
exception. There is also “Beowulf,”
the only
complete survivor of the Germanic epics of the early Middle Ages. It
relates
many things which would not otherwise be known about the life of kings
and of
their followers. “Beowulf” portrays a society of heroic barbarians:
courage,
military prowess, loyalty and generosity are the qualities most
powerfully
illustrated. Personal loyalty and kinship are the main bonds; loyalty
above
all. It is an aristocratic society: a society of chiefs and kings, each
with
his hall, in which a company of followers can gather. “Beowulf” is
dated to
belong in the early eighth century, which would place just before the
time of
King Egbert. The
religious writings describe the ordinary people and their lives but it
is from
an outsider’s point of view. To better understand the common people,
the
physical remains of their lives have to be studied, and the oral
stories and
songs composed for the people, for minstrels to recite in the great
halls of
kings and lords. These stories and songs were passed down from minstrel
to
minstrel, refined and corrupted in the ways of human memory. Only a
small
proportion of them were ever committed to parchment, and only a part of
those
survives. Most people outside the clergy were not interested in
book-learning.
Kings were usually illiterate, but there were exceptions. The king
was not free of all restraint. He was expected to consult his
counselors.
Custom was supported by oaths made by a king at his accession, and
sometimes by
a solemn charter given by the king in exchange for his subjects’
support and
allegiance. In days before standing armies or regular police forces,
with no
means of communication faster than a galloping horse, when roads were
poor and
could be impassable, a king had to rely on his people’s support if his
government was to be effective. The
witenagemot, or witan, (Old
English, “meeting
of the wise men”) was a group of counselors who met to advise the king
of
judicial and administrative matters. Originally a gathering of all the
freemen
of a tribe, it eventually became an assembly of the ealdormen, or local
chieftains, the bishops, other high civil and ecclesiastical officials,
and
sometimes friends and relatives of the king, but neither an elected nor
a
representative body. The witan deliberated on all new laws, made
treaties,
served as a supreme court of justice, authorized the levying of
taxation and
the granting of land, and raised military forces. Each of the several
Anglo-Saxon kingdoms had its own witan until the supremacy of King
Egbert.
Thereafter the witan of During
King Egbert’s reign the Local
affairs came within the jurisdiction of the shire court, and at a lower
level
still were the monthly meetings of the hundred court. The hundred court
was the
ordinary local criminal court of the country. Its meetings were held
once every
four weeks in the open air. It had an immediate impact upon the common
people
more so than the shire court which met only twice a year. The hundred
was mainly
concerned with catching thieves and recovery of stolen property,
especially
cattle. King Egbert’s shire system and the courts, along with the
witan, filled
the needs of local government so well that these groups were still
institutions
of government after the Norman Conquest. Security
against attacks of warlike neighbors was a constant concern of King
Egbert, and
matters of defense and military expeditions would be discussed with his
witan.
The maintenance of an army, the apportionment of land, the payment of
tribute
from a defeated enemy, and the payment of tribute to Egbert, were
important
issues. With the written records came greater formality to a witan, and
this
happened because of the Church. Although the synod was a church council
concerned only with the church’s affairs, their use of written records
showed
the advantages of writing decisions in a formal document. Matters
affecting the king’s lands and the land’s revenues were of great
concern. The
charters recording land grants are only part of documents which show
the
concern of the king’s council. The transfer of land to the Church
reduced the
royal revenues by exempting such lands for churches and monasteries.
The
defense of the kingdom might itself have been endangered because of the
lack of
land to endow the sons of nobility. The many remaining Anglo-Saxon
charters
deal either with gifts of land or with disputes about its ownership,
and it is
a certainty that this was one of the major concerns of the witan. There is
no precise list of those in the royal household
in the time of King Egbert. In a later time clerks drew up a catalogue
of the
officials in the royal household. This document indicates that the
number of
household officials was carefully watched, and their wages only paid if
they
were performing their duties. It gives the impression that the king had
a tight
grip on the cost, and on the functions, of his household. This was a
household
of at least a hundred, ranging from the head of the departments, to the
laundress. The
chancellor was head of the chapel and the writing office. Two stewards,
called
cupbearers, were in charge of the pantry and the kitchen. The butler
supervised
the buttery and cellar. The master chamberlain and treasurer between
them
controlled the royal chamber and the royal treasury, and for the audit
department there was the exchequer. The constables looked after the
royal army
and the king’s horses. The chancellor was usually a leading cleric. The
treasurer was sometimes a cleric, sometimes a layman. The other heads
of
departments were all leading nobles. The butler performed the
ceremonial work
of his office, but not the menial tasks. Each of these men had a staff
that did
the real work of their offices. The largest of all the departments was
that of
the hunting staff: four horn-blowers, twenty sergeants, various keepers
of
greyhounds and falcons, keepers of the royal pack, knight-huntsmen,
ordinary
huntsmen, a leader and a feeder of the hounds, huntsmen of the “trained
pack,”
and keepers of the small hounds, wolf-hunters, and archers. King
Egbert’s
household staff may have been smaller, but quite similar to what was
included
in this list. King
Egbert’s court was mobile, so the household included a tent-keeper for
the
royal pavilion. It was large, but had to be prepared for frequent
travel on
horse-back, with a train of wagons and packhorses. It was the center of
government. It was the magnificent household of a great lord whose
splendor
must impress his visitors. It was also a domestic organization with
chamber,
pantry, buttery and kitchen. It was the headquarters of a war-lord,
with
constables and marshals to organize the troops. The most
powerful bond in this new society was the principle of personal
allegiance. It is the most dominant
characteristic of early
Anglo-Saxon society. Saxon chieftains and their retainers were so
closely
united in bonds of loyalty that any who sought safety by running from
battle
after the death of their chieftain would find lifelong reproach and
infamy. The
oath of allegiance which they had sworn to their lord required them not
only to
defend and protect him (even after he had fallen), but also to give to
him the
glory won by their own exploits. The
betrayal of a king by a trusted companion was among the most hated
crimes known
to Anglo-Saxon society. Scarcely less important was the tie of kinship
which
gave security to the individual. The bond between lord and man
generally proved
stronger than the ties of kinship when the two came into conflict. This
was
partly under the influence of the Church which tried to stop the acts
of
vengeance by the family of a slain man. The
security of a kingdom depended on the ability of its king to win his
battles
and dominate his neighbors, and provided for his followers and
subjects. The
security of the individual rested on a person’s position within a
family on
which he could rely in time of need. Ties of kinship were very strong.
In a
time without a police force, fear of provoking the family into action
could be
an effective deterrent to crime. It was the duty of the family to seek
redress
for any of its members who had received insult or injury, and in the
case of
death to exact vengeance or compensation. This was a binding convention
which
was recognized by Anglo-Saxons. There
could be no compensation for murder within a family. There could be no
compensation for a convicted criminal who had died. The family could
not do
anything until the accused man had been proved guilty. It was also
forbidden to
seek a blood feud against anyone who had killed while fighting in
defense of
his lord, his man or his own kin, or against any who had made an
unlawful
attack, and there were other limitations. How close the kinship had to
be is
uncertain, though it is known that in King Egbert’s time this included
the
family of both the father and the mother. All members of the family
were to
contribute towards the payment and also to share in the receipt of the
“wergild,” or compensation. The
amount of an individual’s wergild varied according to his rank in
society, but
it was a fixed sum established in law, not just the largest sum that
could be
gotten. There were many offences that required payment of the wergild.
West
Saxon law provided that a thief caught in the act might escape from
execution
by the payment of his wergild and that those who harbored fugitives
must pay
the wergild suitable to their rank if they could not clear themselves
of the
accusation. The liability of the criminal for payment made the crime
the
concern of the kindred and not merely of the individual himself. A man
who was
unable to look to his family for support might find himself in a sorry
state. A
free man would clear himself of a charge by appearing in a court and
taking an
oath. He would need to be supported by an appropriate number of
companions who
would take a similar oath in his defense. The number of “oath-helpers”
needed
to refute a particular accusation varied with the seriousness of the
offense.
It was first to his family that a man in such trouble would turn for
help. King
Egbert was also concerned with the long-term problems of the defense of
his
realm, to improving the towns, establishing the shires system,
improving
roadways, and to the economy and trade. He understood that a king
needed men
who prayed and men who worked as well as soldiers. He cared much for
the Church,
had religious men as counselors, and founded monasteries. He paid
attention to
his estates and his subjects. He issued a substantial collection of
charters,
though few remain today. The royal revenue was put on a new footing,
and coins
with his name and bust were used. There is
little known about the workings of King Egbert’s royal treasury. Jewels, precious metals and coins would have
made up his
treasury. No written accounts were kept, but the Saxon treasury would
have been
highly organized. King Egbert knew what his treasury was worth. The
king and
his officers supervised the minting of coins, and had a variety of
sources of
revenue which included some forms of taxation. The treasure was
normally too
bulky for most of it to be carried around, and Egbert apparently had
permanent
treasure houses in more than one place, with the main one in The
Anglo-Saxon accepted gold as the symbol of wealth and pomp. A king had
to be
able to display it in his hall, on his armor, on his wife. He had to be
able to
lavish gifts of gold on his followers, and still be wealthier than
they. This
meant a constant need to provide themselves with adequate supplies by
loot, by
levying tribute, by them receiving gifts, and even by trade. Land was
the most stable form of wealth. As the supplies of gold declined land
became
the regular means of rewarding a faithful follower. In the English
kingdoms the
king was the greatest landowner. He fed his court either by wandering
from
estate to estate eating its produce, or by arranging for produce to be
brought
to his halls. In the late seventh century the laws in Wessex had the
following
list: “As a food-rent from 10 hides, 10 vats of honey, 300 loaves, 12
‘ambers’
of Welsh ale, 30 of clear ale, 2 full-grown cows, or 10 wethers, 10
geese, 20
hens, 10 cheeses, an ‘amber’ full of butter, 5 salmon, 20 pounds of
fodder and
100 eels.” This was an indication of the complexity of household
management
before there was a stable currency, or a proper system of markets, or
tolerable
conditions of transport. However, currency and markets improved and,
even
though transportation was poor, it was very organized, and the “farm of
one
night,” as the basic unit of royal food-rent was called, could be
translated
into silver pennies. When a stable currency was introduced in the
eighth
century, it was of silver. The silver penny was the only effective
currency the
country had between its start, in The first
commonly used Anglo-Saxon coin was of thick silver, called sceattas,
that were
circulating in considerable numbers by the end of the seventh century.
The
sceattas were not yet thought of as the king’s, but merely as a means
of
helping the growth of trade. Near the end of the eighth century, the
sceattas
were replaced by silver pennies that were imprinted with the name both
of the
king and of the moneyer who struck them. About 785 Offa took the |
The Begining of Beowulf © The British Library Board The beginning of the Anglo-Saxon poem about Beowulf in the sole surviving manuscript, made ca. 1000 and written in Anglo-Saxon. for larger image A place you can go to read a translation of "Beowulf" The Adventures of Beowulf Petitioners speaks to the king and witan image from Kings, A meeting of the hundred court © The British Library Board The "Codex Wintoniensis," probably compiled under the bishop of Winchester in the 12th century, is a collection of the Old Minster's Anglo-Saxon charters dating from 688 to 1046. This is a charter of King Edgar (959-975) granting lands to Winchester. for larger image textbook depiction of Anglo-Saxon court © The British Library Board Hunting with a Falcon Anglo-Saxon calendar, calendar page for October. Nobleman with falcon, another man on horseback, ducks in stream and an ostrich-crane. Made in second quarter of the 11th century, written in Latin. For larger image © The British Library Board Battle of Sodom and from the Old English Illustrated Hexateuch, by Aelfric. For larger image coin of King Egbert © The Trustees of the British Museum Silver Coin Hoard. The hoard, found at Appledore,contains coins from thirty-four different mints all over England. © The Trustees of the British Museum Aethelwulf's finger ring (828-858)on left, and Aethelwith's ring on right.The two rings have similar inscriptions which identify them with the royal house of Wessex. As a result, they are often considered as a pair. However, they in fact come from different places, are of different date and are likely to have been made by different goldsmiths. for larger image © The Trustees of the British Museum gold buckles, perhaps used to secure leg garters Anglo-Saxon, early 7th century AD From King's Field, Faversham, Kent, England for larger image |
Historical Time Line The Making of Kings- Kingship, The Army and Warfare Events before King Egbert's Time- Beginning in Europe, The 7 Kingdoms and the Church, Lineage, Ancestors and Parentage The Life of King Egbert- The Early Years (775-802) The Kingship- Chronicle Excerpts, 802-824, 825-829, 830-839, Reasons for Success The People and Places Important to King Egbert - The People, The Places Society in King Egbert's Time- Part 1 (Government, Household, Allegiance, Finances) Part 2 (Great Hall, Cooking & Eating, Food, Feasts, Christmas) Part 3 (Crafts & Trade, Clothing and Appearance, Hygiene, Medicine) Part 4 (Peasants, Farming, Gardens & Plants, Common Tasks, Home, Village) Part 5 (Art) Sources and References |