Mother: LEONOR de GUZMAN |
"Battle of Navarette-Nájera, 1367" by Martin Davis.
Navarette (Nájera) is interesting for several reasons. Firstly,
it shows the ascendancy of the English bowman over an unusual
opponent-- light cavalry. Secondly, it occurred outside the
normal sphere of combat for the period (at least as far as we
insular British are concerned). Thirdly, it contains some of the
great figures of the high chivalric period-- du Guesclin,
Chandos, John of Gaunt and the Black Prince. Finally, but for me
interestingly, it forms the background to the last part of Conan
Doyle's "The White Company".
The 'rightful' king of Castile, Pedro the Cruel, had been
deposed by his subjects, led by his half-brother, Henry of
Trastamara, who had become the new king, and Bertrand du
Guesclin, the renowned French knight. Pedro fled the country and
went to see the Black Prince, administering the English
provinces around Bordeaux. Edward was incensed by the idea of a
king being deposed (I imagine he was also glad of an excuse to
stop doing paperwork and organise a fight) and set about
recruiting troops [1]. Men from Gascony and Aquitaine answered
his call; his younger brother John came from England with 400
knights and a large number of archers the King of Majorca
produced some troops; and of course, the 'Free Companies' of
mercenaries were always available.
In February, 1367, Edward set out with his force, through the
Pyrenees. He crossed the Ebro at Logrońo where he had heard that
Henry of Trastamara was only a short distance off, and the
Allied army went through the small town of Navarette along the
minor road to Najera.
Henry made his stand with the River Najarilla at his back--this
seems to me to be a pretty elementary mistake and one wonders
why he did it. Still, he wasn't stupid and with du Guesclin
advising him there must have been some motive. The most likely
explanation to me is that he felt that the strength of his army
lay in its cavalry rather than its large numbers of conscript
infantry and that these could be used to best advantage on the
featureless plain that separates Najera from Navarette. Quite
probably the idea of defeat never even occurred to him--his army
outnumbered that of Edward and Pedro by about 29,500 to 24,000
and I should think he was quite happy. Battle of Navaratte
diagram
Both sides arrayed their forces in three lines laid out in a
comparable manner. The front line of Henry's army was led by du
Guesclin in person, with 1500 picked men-at-arms and 500
crossbowmen . To oppose this Edward put his brother John of
Gaunt with 3000 infantry and 3000 archers. In Henry's second
line were two flanking forces of Spanish light cavalry mixed
with a core of heaves. At this time Spain was beginning to
experiment with light cavalry--later to develop into the
'genitors' of the Renaissance--for skirmishing purposes; an idea
that had dropped out of contemporary European military thinking.
The centre of the line was led by Henry himself with the cream
of his heavy cavalry, 1500 strong. The Black Prince was also in
the second line together with Pedro the Cruel and 4000 infantry,
l/2 of them archers. Flanking him were two similar forces under
Captal de Buch and Sir Thomas Percy. The third line of Henry's
force consisted of 20,000 Spanish infantry of mixed capability,
ranging from well armed professionals to reluctant con scripts.
On Edward's side, the third line was led by the King of Majorca
and the Count Armagnac with 3000 foot and 3000 archers. In all
three divisions on Edward's side, the men-at-arms or foot were
drawn up in the centre with the archers on either flank. As soon
as the Black Prince was satisfied with the dispositions, he
ordered his entire army to dismount and had the horses sent to
the rear. [2]
Du Guesclin led his vanguard and they smashed into Lancaster's
division. The English longbowmen dispersed the Castilian
crossbowmen but once the melee had started the press was such
that they could con tribute little. Lancaster and du Guesclin
remained locked together throughout the remainder of the battle,
fighting hand to hand. The Spanish flanking cavalry forces then
charged the advancing flanks opposing them. Normally, the heavy
contingent held back while the light cavalry harassed the sides
of the opposition and probed for a weak spot along the front,
seeking to create a gap where the heavy cavalry could drive in a
wedge and smash the entire formation. This system had proved
very successful--against infantry armed with spears or the
slowloading crossbow. Against longbowmen it proved disastrous.
As the Spaniards moved along the front, avoiding hand to hand
combat and hurling their javelins, they were shot down in
droves. Surprised, they drew back to organise--and suffered
still more heavily. As they wavered, the heavy cavalry leaders
took in charges to restore morale and never even reached the
units they were charging. The demoralisation on the Spanish
flanks was now complete--the cavalry remaining wheeled about and
fled the field leaving Gomez Carillo to be captured.
Percy and de Buch now capitalised on their momentary advantage
in the best possible way--by joining up to make a cohesive
front. This was done so neatly that I can only imagine that
Edward had briefed them to do this before the battle. In any
event, they moved in unhurriedly together and managed to link
behind du Guesclin's force, still battling Lancaster. The
men-at-arms turned inwards to take du Guesclin's men from the
rear, while the archers faced out against the inevitable Spanish
counter attack. It was not long in coming. Henry realised that
the Percy/de Buch line had to be broken. Three times his knights
charged; and each time the charge faded to nothing under the
withering hail of arrows. Edward moved up his own central
division to increase the pressure on du Guesclin. Desperately,
Henry ordered up his infantry mass--but again it never came to
grips with the forces of Edward and Pedro. Despite the disparity
in numbers the archers waited calmly until the infantry were in
range and loosed salvo after salvo. The infantry faltered, broke
and fled. Realising the battle was lost, Henry went too. The
Spanish cavalry were able to scatter but the infantry could only
escape over the narrow bridge of Najera. As the fresh third
division swept round passed Percy and chased after them, many
Spaniards died, both in the press and by drowning. Du Guesclin
did not surrender until he realised that the Spanish army had
gone. His force had been surrounded throughout the battle, 1/4
of its number were dead, practically all the others injured.
Consequences of the battle
After the battle, most of Henry's captains were captured by
English, who protected them against Pedro. The own Henry had
dissapeared, and was supposed to be dead (he managed to escape
to France). Pedro recovered the throne, starting one of his
frequent blood baths, while arguing with the black Prince,
because of the prize of his help. Edward eventually started to
negociate secretly the repartition of Castile between England,
Aragon, Navarre & Portugal and returned to Aquitaine. A new
rebellion started then. In the meanwhile, Henry had raised a new
army and returned to Castile. The final battle between the two
brothers took place at Montiel, at 13th March 1369, where Pedro
was defeated. The night after, he was treasoned, and died in a
personal combat with his half-brother.
After the death of Pedro, Henry II fought newly against the
English, to recover the lands occuped by them as the price of
their help to Pedro I (Biscay). His descendants also took part
at the 100 Years War at the French side: Castilian fleets
defeated the English one at several battles, like in La
Rochelle, in 1372 and 1419."
http://es.geocities.com/endovelico2001/med/najera.html
Tales from Froissart
edited by Steve Muhlberger, Nipissing University
Why the Prince of Wales waged war on Henry of Trastamara.
In 1366, King Pedro the Cruel of Castile was deposed by his
illegitimate half-brother, Henry of Trastamara. Pedro fled to
his cousin, Edward Prince of Wales (the Black Prince), who was
then ruling Aquitaine under his father Edward III. Edward
committed himself to Pedro's cause. Froissart shows that there
was debate about the wisdom and rightness of Edward's actions.
Book I, ch. 231 (Johnes, v. 1, pp. 343-46). [King Pedro is
isolated in Corunna, with only a single supporter.]
Don Pedro then demanded from his knight, don Fernando de Castro,
complaining of his evil fortune, which was so much against him,
what was best to be done. "My lord, replied the knight, "before
you leave this place, I think it would be proper that you send
some person to your cousin the prince of Wales, to know if he
will receive you, and to entreat of him, for God's sake, that he
would attend to your distress. He is in a manner bound to it,
from the strong connection that has subsisted between the king,
his father, and yours in former times. The prince of Wales is of
such a noble and gallant disposition that, when he shall be
informed of your misfortunes, he will certainly take compassion
on you: and, if he should determine to replace you on your
throne, there is no one, sir, that could oppose him, so much is
he redoubted by all the world, and beloved by soldiers. You are
now safe where you are; for this fortress will hold you out
until some intelligence shall be brought you from Aquitaine."
[The prince of Wales agrees to receive Pedro.]
Before the arrival of don Pedro at Bordeaux, some lords, as well
English as Gascons, who had much wisdom and forethought, were of
the prince's council, and by inclination as well as duty,
thought themselves bound to give him loyal advice, spoke to the
prince in words like the following: "My lord, you have often
heard the old proverb of 'All covet, all lose.' True it is, that
you are one of the princes of this world the most enlightened,
esteemed, and honoured, in possession of large domains and a
handsome principality on this side of the sea, and are, thank
God, at peace with every one. It is also well known, that no
king, far or near, at this present moment dares anger you; such
reputation have you in chivalry for valour and good fortune. You
ought, therefore, in reason, to be contented with what you have
got, and not seek for enemies. We must add likewise, that this
don Pedro, king of Castile, who at present is driven out of his
realm, is a man of great pride, very cruel, and full of bad
dispositions. The kingdom of Castile has suffered many
grievances at his hands: many valiant men have been beheaded and
murdered, without justice or reason; so that to these wicked
actions, which he ordered or consented to, he owes the loss of
his kingdom.
"In addition to this he is an enemy of the church and
excommunicated by our holy father. He has been long considered
as a tyrant, who without any plea of justice, has always made
war on his neighbours; such as the kings of Aragon and Navarre,
whom he was desirous to dethrone by force. It is also commonly
reported, and believed in his kingdom, and even by his own
attendants, that he murdered the young lady, his wife, who was a
cousin of yours, being daughter to the duke of Bourbon. Upon all
these accounts, it behoves you to pause and reflect before you
enter into any engagements; for what he has hitherto suffered
are the chatisements of God, who orders these punishments as an
example to the kings and princes of the earth, that they such
never commit such like wickedness."
...But to this loyal advice they received the following answer:
"My lords, I take it for granted and believe that you give me
the best advice you are able. I must, however, inform you, that
I am perfectly well acquainted with the life and conduct of don
Pedro, and well know that he has committed faults without
number, for which at present he suffers: but I will tell you the
reasons which at this moment urge and embolden me to give him
assistance. I do not think it either decent or proper that a
bastard should possess a kingdom as an inheritance, nor drive
out of his realm his own brother, heir to the country by lawful
marriage; and no king, or king's son, ought ever to suffer it,
as being of the greatest prejudice to royalty. Add to this, that
my lord and father and this don Pedro have for a long time been
allies, much connected together, by which we are bounden to aid
and assist him, in case he should require it." These were the
reasons that instigated the prince to assist the king of Castile
in his great distress, and thus he replied to his council. No
one could afterwards make the smallest change in his
determination, but every day it grew firmer.
Chapter 233 (Johnes, v. 1, pp. 349-50). ...When it was publicly
known through Spain, Aragon and France, that the intentions of
the prince of Wales were to replace don Pedro in the kingdom of
Castile, it was a matter of great wonder to many, and was
variously talked of. Some said, the prince was making this
expedition through pride and presumption; that he was jealous of
the honour sir Bertrand du Guesclin had obtained, in conquering
Castile in the name of king Henry, and then making him king of
it. Others said, that both pity and justice moved him to assist
don Pedro in recovering his inheritance; for it was highly
unbecoming a bastard to hold a kingdom, or bear the name of
king. Thus were many knights and squires divided in their
opinions.
Chapter 240 (Johnes, v. 1, pp. 368). [A letter sent by Edward on
the eve of battle with Henry of Trastamara:] "Edward, by the
grace of God, prince of Wales and Aquitaine, to the renowned
Henry earl of Trastamare, who at this present time calls himself
king of Castile: "Whereas you have sent to us a letter by your
herald, in which, among other things, mention is made of your
desire to know why we have admitted to our friendship your
enemy, our cousin the king don Pedro, and upon what pretext we
are carrying on a war against you, and have entered Castile with
a large army: in answer to this, we inform you, that it is to
maintain justice and in support of reason, as it behoveth all
kings to do, and also to preserve the firm alliances made by our
lord the king of England, with the king don Pedro, in former
times. but as you are much renowned among all good knights, we
would wish, if it were possible, to make up these differences
between you both; and we would use such earnest entreaties with
our cousin, the king don Pedro, that you should have a large
portion of the kingdom of Castile, but you must give up all
pretensions to the crown of that realm, as well as to its
inheritance. Consider well this proposition; and know further,
that we shall enter the kingdom of Castile by whatever place
shall be most agreeable to us. Written at Logrono, the 30th day
of March, 1367."
http://www.nipissingu.ca/department/history/muhlberger/froissart/
castile.htm
__ | __| | | | |__ | _ALPHONSE XI_________| | | | | __ | | | | |__| | | | |__ | | |--ENRIQUE de Trastamare | | __ | | | __| | | | | | |__ | | |_LEONOR de GUZMAN ___| | | __ | | |__| | |__
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Mother: Elizabeth PAYNE? |
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