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|
Father: Jacob WARWICK Mother: Mary VANCE |
[523845]
or b. 9 FEB 1800
__________________________________
|
_William WARWICK ________|
| (1716 - 1764) |
| |__________________________________
|
_Jacob WARWICK ______|
| (1747 - 1826) m 1770|
| | _Alexander DUNLAP "the Immigrant"_+
| | | (1714 - 1744)
| |_Elizabeth DUNLAP _______|
| (1716 - 1817) |
| |_Ann MCFARLAND ___________________+
| (1718 - 1785)
|
|--Agnes (Ann Nancy) WARWICK
| (1779 - 1845)
| __________________________________
| |
| _(RESEARCH QUERY) VANCE _|
| | |
| | |__________________________________
| |
|_Mary VANCE _________|
(1754 - 1823) m 1770|
| __________________________________
| |
|_________________________|
|
|__________________________________
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Mother: MARIE Louise Pelina von DAHLBERG |
There are two things which cannot be attacked in front:
ignorance and narrow-mindedness. They can only be shaken by the
simple development of the contrary qualities. They will not bear
discussion.
— John Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron Acton, Letter (January 23, 1861)
published in Lord Acton and his Circle (1906) Letter 74
http://www.knowprose.com/node/1056
Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.
http://www.giga-usa.com/quotes/authors/john_dalberg_acton_a001.ht
m
John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton, Baron Acton
Baron Acton, Professor of Modern History at Cambridge,
1895-1902, born at Naples, 10 January, 1834, Where his father,
Sir Richard Acton, held an important diplomatic appointment;
died at Tegernsee, Bavaria, 19 June, 1902.
His mother was the heiress of a distinguished Bavarian family,
the Dalbergs. The Actons, though of an old English Catholic
stock, had long been naturalized in Naples, where Lord Acton's
grandfather had been prime minister. The future historian was
thus in an extraordinary degree cosmopolitan, and much of his
exceptional mastery of historical literature may be ascribed to
the fact that the principal languages of Europe were as familiar
to him as his native tongue. In 1843 the boy was sent to Oscott
College, Birmingham, were Doctor, afterwards Cardinal, Nicholas
Wiseman was then president. After five years spent at Oscott,
Acton complete his education at Munich, as the pupil of the
celebrated historian Döllinger. With Döllinger he visited
France, and both there and in Germany lived on terms of intimacy
with the most eminent historical scholars of the day. Returning
to England, however, in 1859, to settle upon the family estate
of Aldenham in Shropshire, he entered parliament as member for
an Irish constituency, and retained his seat for six years,
voting with the Liberals, but taking little part in the debates.
In the meantime he devoted himself to literary work, and upon
Newman's retirement, in 1859, succeeded him in the editorship of
a Catholic periodical called "The Rambler", which, after 1862,
was transformed into a quarterly under the title of "The Home
and Foreign Review". The ultra liberal tone of this journal gave
offence to ecclesiastical authorities, and Acton eventually
judged it necessary to discontinue its publication, in April,
1864, when he wrote, concerning certain tenets of his which had
been disapproved of, that "the principles had not ceased to be
true, nor the authority which censured them to be legitimate,
because the two were in contradiction." The publication of the
"Syllabus" by Pius IX in 1864 tended to alienate Acton still
further from Ultramontane counsels. He had in the meantime
become very intimate with Mr. Gladstone, by whom he was
recommended for a peerage in 1869, and at the time of the
Vatican Council Lord Acton went to Rome with the express object
of organizing a party of resistance to the proposed definition
of papal infallibility. The decree, when it came, seems to have
had the effect of permanently embittering Acton's feelings
towards Roman authority, but he did not, like his friend
Döllinger, formally sever his connection with the Church. Indeed
in his later years at Cambridge he regularly attended Mass, and
he received the last sacraments, at Tegernsee, on his death-bed.
The Cambridge Professorship of Modern History was offered to him
by Lord Roseberry in 1895, and, besides the lectures which he
delivered there, he conceived and partly organized the
"Cambridge Modern History", the first volume of which was only
to see the light after his death. Lord Acton never produced
anything which deserves to be called a book, but he wrote a good
many reviews and occasionally an article or a lecture. As an
historian he was probably more remarkable for knowledge of
detail than for judgment or intuition. The "Letters of
Quirinus," published in the Allgemeine Zeitung", at the time of
the Vatican Council, and attributed to Lord Acton, as well as
other letters addressed to the "Times", in November, 1874, show
a mind much warped against the Roman system. The "Letters to
Mrs. Drew" (Mr. Gladstone's daughter), which we printed by Mr.
Herbert Paul in 1903, are brilliant but often bitter. A
pleasanter impression is given by another collection of Lord
Acton's private letters (published 1906) under the editorship of
Abbot Gasquet. Some of Acton's best work was contributed to the
"English Historical Review". His article on "German Schools of
History", in the first volume, and on "Döllinger's Historical
Work", in the fifth, deserve particular mention.
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/01114a.htm
The Acton-Lee Correspondence
Bologna
November 4, 1866
Sir,
The very kind letter which Mrs. Lee wrote to my wife last winter
encouraged me to hope that you will forgive my presuming to
address you, and that you will not resent as an intrusion a
letter from an earnest and passionate lover of the cause whose
glory and whose strength you were.
I have been requested to furnish private counsel in American
affairs for the guidance of the editors of a weekly Review which
is to begin at the New Year, and which will be conducted by men
who are followers of Mr. Gladstone. You are aware, no doubt,
that Mr. Gladstone was in the minority of Lord Palmerston's
cabinet who wished to accept the French Emperor's proposal to
mediate in the American war.
The reason of the confidence shown in my advice is simply the
fact that I formerly traveled in America, and that I afterwards
followed the progress of the four years' contest as closely and
as keenly as it was possible to do with the partial and
unreliable information that reached us. In the momentous
questions which have arisen since you sheathed the sword, I have
endeavoured to conform my judgment to your own as well as I
could ascertain it from the report of your evidence, from the
few English travelers who enjoyed the privilege of speaking with
you, and especially from General Beauregard, who spoke, as I
understood, your sentiments as well as his own. My travels in
America never led me south of Maryland, and the only friends to
whom I can look for instruction, are Northerners, mostly of
Webster's school.
In my emergency, urged by the importance of the questions at
issue in the United States, and by the peril of misguided public
opinion between our two countries, I therefore seek to appeal to
southern authorities, and venture at once to proceed to
Headquarters.
If, Sir, you will consent to entertain my request, and will
inform me of the light in which you would wish the current
politics of America to be understood, I can pledge myself that
the new Review shall follow the course which you prescribe and
that any communication with which you may honor me shall be kept
in strictest confidence, and highly treasured by me. Even should
you dismiss my request as unwarranted, I trust you will remember
it only as an attempt to break through the barrier of false
reports and false sympathies which encloses the views of my
countrymen.
It cannot have escaped you that much of the good will felt in
England towards the South, so far as it was not simply the
tribute of astonishment and admiration won by your campaigns,
was neither unselfish nor sincere. It sprang partly from an
exultant belief in the hope that America would be weakened by
the separation, and from terror at the remote prospect of
Farragut appearing in the channel and Sherman landing in
Ireland.
I am anxious that you should distinguish the feeling which drew
me aware toward your cause and your career, and which now guides
my pen, from that thankless and unworthy sympathy.
Without presuming to decide the purely legal question, on which
it seems evident to me from Madison's and Hamilton's papers that
the Fathers of the Constitution were not agreed, I saw in State
Rights the only availing check upon the absolutism of the
sovereign will, and secession filled me with hope, not as the
destruction but as the redemption of Democracy. The institutions
of your Republic have not exercised on the old world the
salutary and liberating influence which ought to have belonged
to them, by reason of those defects and abuses of principle
which the Confederate Constitution was expressly and wisely
calculated to remedy. I believed that the example of that great
Reform would have blessed all the races of mankind by
establishing true freedom purged of the native dangers and
disorders of Republics. Therefore I deemed that you were
fighting the battles of our liberty, our progress, and our
civilization; and I mourn for the stake which was lost at
Richmond more deeply than I rejoice over that which was saved at
Waterloo.
General Beauregard confirmed to me a report which was in the
papers, that you are preparing a narrative of your campaigns. I
sincerely trust that it is true, and that the loss you were said
to have sustained at the evacuation of Richmond has not deprived
you of the requisite materials. European writers are trying to
construct that terrible history with the information derived
from one side only. I have before me an elaborate work by a
Prussian officer named Sander. It is hardly possible that future
publications can be more honorable to the reputation of your
army and your own. His feelings are strongly Federal, his
figures, especially in estimating your forces, are derived from
Northern journals, and yet his book ends by becoming an
enthusiastic panegyric on your military skill. It will impress
you favourably towards the writer to know that he dwells with
particular detail and pleasure on your operations against Meade
when Longstreet was absent, in the autumn of 1863.
But I have heard the best Prussian military critics regret that
they had not the exact data necessary for a scientific
appreciation of your strategy, and certainly the credit due to
the officers who served under you can be distributed and
justified by no hand but your own.
If you will do me the honor to write to me, letters will reach
me addressed Sir J. Acton, Hotel [Serry?], Rome. Meantime I
remain, with sentiments stronger than respect, Sir,
~ Your faithful servant
John Dalberg Acton
Lexington, Vir.,
15 Dec. 1866
Sir,
Although your letter of the 4th ulto. has been before me some
days unanswered, I hope you will not attribute it to a want of
interest in the subject, but to my inability to keep pace with
my correspondence. As a citizen of the South I feel deeply
indebted to you for the sympathy you have evinced in its cause,
and am conscious that I owe your kind consideration of myself to
my connection with it. The influence of current opinion in
Europe upon the current politics of America must always be
salutary; and the importance of the questions now at issue the
United States, involving not only constitutional freedom and
constitutional government in this country, but the progress of
universal liberty and civilization, invests your proposition
with peculiar value, and will add to the obligation which every
true American must owe you for your efforts to guide that
opinion aright. Amid the conflicting statements and sentiments
in both countries, it will be no easy task to discover the
truth, or to relieve it from the mass of prejudice and passion,
with which it has been covered by party spirit. I am conscious
the compliment conveyed in your request for my opinion as to the
light in which American politics should be viewed, and had I the
ability, I have not the time to enter upon a discussion, which
was commenced by the founders of the constitution and has been
continued to the present day. I can only say that while I have
considered the preservation of the constitutional power of the
General Government to be the foundation of our peace and safety
at home and abroad, I yet believe that the maintenance of the
rights and authority reserved to the states and to the people,
not only essential to the adjustment and balance of the general
system, but the safeguard to the continuance of a free
government. I consider it as the chief source of stability to
our political system, whereas the consolidation of the states
into one vast republic, sure to be aggressive abroad and
despotic at home, will be the certain precursor of that ruin
which has overwhelmed all those that have preceded it. I need
not refer one so well acquainted as you are with American
history, to the State papers of Washington and Jefferson, the
representatives of the federal and democratic parties,
denouncing consolidation and centralization of power, as tending
to the subversion of State Governments, and to despotism. The
New England states, whose citizens are the fiercest opponents of
the Southern states, did not always avow the opinions they now
advocate. Upon the purchase of Louisiana by Mr. Jefferson, they
virtually asserted the right of secession through their
prominent men; and in the convention which assembled at Hartford
in 1814, they threatened the disruption of the Union unless the
war should be discontinued. The assertion of this right has been
repeatedly made by their politicians when their party was weak,
and Massachusetts, the leading state in hostility to the South,
declares in the preamble to her constitution, that the people of
that commonwealth "have the sole and exclusive right of
governing themselves as a free sovereign and independent state,
and do, and forever hereafter shall, exercise and enjoy every
power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, or may hereafter be
by them expressly delegated to the United States of America in
congress assembled." Such has been in substance the language of
other State governments, and such the doctrine advocated by the
leading men of the country for the last seventy years. Judge
Chase, the present Chief Justice of the U.S., as late as 1850,
is reported to have stated in the Senate, of which he was a
member, that he "knew of no remedy in case of the refusal of a
state to perform its stipulations," thereby acknowledging the
sovereignty and independence of state action. But I will not
weary you with this unprofitable discussion. Unprofitable
because the judgment of reason has been displaced by the
arbitrament of war, waged for the purpose as avowed of
maintaining the union of the states. If, therefore, the result
of the war is to be considered as having decided that the union
of the states is inviolable and perpetual under the
constitution, it naturally follows that it is as incompetent for
the general government to impair its integrity by the exclusion
of a state, as for the states to do so by secession; and that
the existence and rights of a state by the constitution are as
indestructible as the union itself. The legitimate consequence
then must be the perfect equality of rights of all the states;
the exclusive right of each to regulate its internal affairs
under rules established by the Constitution, and the right of
each state to prescribe for itself the qualifications of
suffrage. The South has contended only for the supremacy of the
constitution, and the just administration of the laws made in
pursuance to it. Virginia to the last made great efforts to save
the union, and urged harmony and compromise. Senator Douglass,
in his remarks upon the compromise bill recommended by the
committee of thirteen in 1861, stated that every member from the
South, including Messrs. Toombs and Davis, expressed their
willingness to accept the proposition of Senator Crittenden from
Kentucky, as a final settlement of the controversy, if sustained
by the republican party, and that the only difficulty in the way
of an amicable adjustment was with the republican party. Who
then is responsible for the war? Although the South would have
preferred any honorable compromise to the fratricidal war which
has taken place, she now accepts in good faith its
constitutional results, and receives without reserve the
amendment which has already been made to the constitution for
the extinction of slavery. That is an event that has been long
sought, though in a different way, and by none has it been more
earnestly desired than by citizens of Virginia. In other
respects I trust that the constitution may undergo no change,
but that it may be handed down to succeeding generations in the
form we received it from our forefathers. The desire I feel that
the Southern states should possess the good opinion of one whom
I esteem as highly as yourself, has caused me to extend my
remarks farther than I intended, and I fear it has led me to
exhaust your patience. If what I have said should serve to give
any information as regards American politics, and enable you to
enlighten public opinion as to the true interests of this
distracted country, I hope you will pardon its prolixity.
In regard to your inquiry as to my being engaged in preparing a
narrative of the campaigns in Virginia, I regret to state that I
progress slowly in the collection of the necessary documents for
its completion. I particularly feel the loss of the official
returns showing the small numbers with which the battles were
fought. I have not seen the work by the Prussian officer you
mention and therefore cannot speak of his accuracy in this
respect.– With sentiments of great respect, I remain your obt.
servant,
~ R.E. Lee
http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig3/acton-lee.html
http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/John_Acton
Acton Institute for the Study of Religion and Liberty: Founded
in 1990, the Acton Institute is named in honor of John Emerich
Edward Dalberg Acton, first Baron Acton of Aldenham (1834-1902),
the historian of freedom. The mission of the Institute is to
promote a free society characterized by individual l
Children of Maria Anna Ludmilla Euphrosina von und zu Arco auf
Valley and Sir John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron
Acton of Aldenham:
Hon. Mary Elizabeth Anne Dalberg-Acton b. 15 Aug 1866, d. 9
Jan 1955 She married Lt.-Col. Edward Bleiddian Herbert
Hon. Annie Mary Catherine Georgiana Dalberg-Acton b. 26 Sep
1868, d. 30 Sep 1917 unmarried.
Sir Richard Maximilian Lyon-Dalberg-Acton, 2nd Baron Acton of
Aldenham+ b. 7 Aug 1870, d. 16 Jun 1924
Hon. John Dalberg Dalberg-Acton b. 30 May 1872, d. 16 Apr 1873
Hon. Elizabeth Mary Catherine Dalberg-Acton b. 21 Apr 1874, d.
1 Oct 1881
Hon. Jeanne Marie Dalberg-Acton b. 12 Mar 1876, d. 18 May 1919
Citations
1. [S6] G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday,
Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden,
editors, The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland,
Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or
Dormant, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6
volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume
I, page 55. Hereinafter cited as The Complete Peerage.
2. [S8] Charles Mosley, editor, Burke's Peerage and Baronetage,
106th edition, 2 volumes (Crans, Switzerland: Burke's Peerage
(Genealogical Books) Ltd, 1999), volume 1, page 28. Hereinafter
cited as Burke's Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition.
3. [S2] Peter W. Hammond, editor, The Complete Peerage or a
History of the House of Lords and All its Members From the
Earliest Times, Volume XIV: Addenda & Corrigenda (Stroud,
Gloucestershire, U.K.: Sutton Publishing, 1998), page 10.
Hereinafter cited as The Complete Peerage, Volume XIV.
_EDWARD ACTON _____________________
| (1709 - ....)
_JOHN Francis Edward ACTON 6th Baronet of Aldenham_|
| (1736 - 1811) m 1800 |
| |_CATHERINE de GRAY ________________
| (1715 - ....)
_Ferdinand RICHARD Edward Dalberg- ACTON 7th Baronet of Aldenham_|
| (1801 - 1837) m 1832 |
| | _JOSEPH Edward ACTON ______________+
| | | (1737 - 1830)
| |_MARY Anne ACTON __________________________________|
| (1784 - 1873) m 1800 |
| |_ELEANORE Gräfin Berghe von TRIPS _
| (1740 - ....)
|
|--JOHN Emerich Edward Dalberg- ACTON 1st of Aldenham
| (1834 - 1902)
| ___________________________________
| |
| ___________________________________________________|
| | |
| | |___________________________________
| |
|_MARIE Louise Pelina von DAHLBERG _______________________________|
(1812 - 1860) m 1832 |
| ___________________________________
| |
|___________________________________________________|
|
|___________________________________
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Mother: Nancy MARTIN |
_Jean (John Peter) Pierre BONDURANT Jr._+
| (1710 - ....) m 1735
_Jean (John Peter) BONDURANT _|
| (1737 - ....) |
| |_Elizabeth DARBY _______________________
| (1716 - ....) m 1735
_Edward BONDURANT ___|
| (1768 - 1855) |
| | ________________________________________
| | |
| |_Pauline Marshall ALLEN ______|
| (1741 - ....) |
| |________________________________________
|
|
|--Matilda BONDURANT
| (1798 - ....)
| ________________________________________
| |
| ______________________________|
| | |
| | |________________________________________
| |
|_Nancy MARTIN _______|
(1776 - ....) |
| ________________________________________
| |
|______________________________|
|
|________________________________________
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Mother: Frances BALLENTINE |
Lemuel Cherry, Sr. made his Will in Beaufort County on 14 July
1754 and recorded 9 son's and 6 daughter's, including daughter,
Rebecca Hodges. His eldest son, John Cherry was executor. This
indicated to me that Rebecca was the only married daughter,
doubtless, the daughters were each rather young and she was
probably only recently married to John Hodges, Sr.?
[S899]
_John CHERRY Sr. "the Immigrant"_+
| (1619 - 1699)
_John CHERRY Jr._______|
| (1641 - ....) m 1662 |
| |_Elizabeth FAITHFUL _____________
| (1625 - 1672)
_Samuel M. CHERRY ___|
| (1663 - 1734) m 1684|
| | _________________________________
| | |
| |_Rebecca MAUND ________|
| (1647 - ....) m 1662 |
| |_________________________________
|
|
|--Lemuel Moye CHERRY
| (1690 - 1754)
| _George BALLENTINE Sr.___________
| | (1635 - 1702) m 1662
| _George BALLENTINE Jr._|
| | (1663 - 1733) |
| | |_Frances YATES __________________+
| | (1630 - 1702) m 1662
|_Frances BALLENTINE _|
(1660 - ....) m 1684|
| _________________________________
| |
|_______________________|
|
|_________________________________
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Mother: Jane Riah REEVES |
_Richard CURTIS III Jr._+
| (1755 - 1811)
_Richard CURTIS IV___|
| (1786 - 1841) m 1809|
| |_Patsey JONES __________
| (1759 - 1819)
_Jacob CURTIS _______|
| (1813 - 1877) m 1843|
| | ________________________
| | |
| |_Nancy Ann CARTER ___|
| (1786 - 1847) m 1809|
| |________________________
|
|
|--Elihue Zachariah CURTIS
| (1846 - 1867)
| _Lazarus REEVES ________+
| | (1752 - 1827) m 1775
| _Zachariah REEVES ___|
| | (1799 - 1871) |
| | |_Elizabeth MASSEY ______+
| | (1750 - 1827) m 1775
|_Jane Riah REEVES ___|
(1822 - 1894) m 1843|
| _Nathaniel WELLS _______+
| | (1781 - 1843) m 1800
|_Anna "Annie" WELLS _|
(1803 - 1866) |
|_Elizabeth SIMMONS _____+
(1782 - 1835) m 1800
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Mother: Zarilda Ann HILL |
_Peter (Pierre) GUERRANT (GUERIN) Jr._______+
| (1737 - 1819) m 1756
_Stephen GUERRANT _______|
| (1766 - 1847) m 1805 |
| |_Mary PERROW (PERAULT) _____________________+
| (1739 - 1805) m 1756
_Robert Floyd GUERRANT _|
| (1826 - 1900) m 1853 |
| | _(RESEARCH QUERY-VA) HARRIS of Old Virginia_
| | |
| |_Salley "Sallie" HARRIS _|
| (1770 - ....) m 1805 |
| |____________________________________________
|
|
|--Walter Lee GUERRANT
| (1853 - 1918)
| ____________________________________________
| |
| _________________________|
| | |
| | |____________________________________________
| |
|_Zarilda Ann HILL ______|
(1836 - 1874) m 1853 |
| ____________________________________________
| |
|_________________________|
|
|____________________________________________
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|
Father: Fielding LEWIS of Weyanoke Mother: Agnes HARWOOD |
_Fielding LEWIS Sr. of Warner Hall_+
| (1725 - 1781) m 1746
_John LEWIS of Kinmore__|
| (1747 - 1825) m 1773 |
| |_Catherine WASHINGTON _____________+
| (1723 - 1749) m 1746
_Fielding LEWIS of Weyanoke_|
| (1774 - ....) |
| | _Gabriel JONES ____________________+
| | | (1724 - 1806) m 1749
| |_Elizabeth Bates JONES _|
| (1753 - 1783) m 1773 |
| |_Margaret Madison STROTHER ________+
| (1726 - 1822) m 1749
|
|--Eleanor Warner LEWIS
| (1800 - ....)
| ___________________________________
| |
| ________________________|
| | |
| | |___________________________________
| |
|_Agnes HARWOOD _____________|
(1775 - ....) |
| ___________________________________
| |
|________________________|
|
|___________________________________
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|
Father: William RUCKS Mother: Elizabeth PAYNE? |
__
|
__|
| |
| |__
|
_William RUCKS ______|
| (1720 - 1777) m 1742|
| | __
| | |
| |__|
| |
| |__
|
|
|--Betty RUCKS
| (1760 - ....)
| __
| |
| __|
| | |
| | |__
| |
|_Elizabeth PAYNE? ___|
(1720 - ....) m 1742|
| __
| |
|__|
|
|__
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|
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