Genealogy of Patty Rose
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
| Children: | ||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
|
||||||||||
| Notes for Phineas* PRATT | ||||||||||
| - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - son of Rev. Henry PRATT - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PHINEAS, Plymouth, came in June 1622, as one of capt. Weston's men, planted at Weymouth, but in Mar. foll. as Gov. Winslow tells in Young's Chron. of the Pilgr. he went to P. had sh. in the div. of ld. as if he had come in the Ann with Joshua, wh. may have been a br. and so may we excuse the error of Mitchell, 279, wh. says he came in the Ann, when it is plain he was here one yr. earlier; m. 1630, a d. of Cuthbert Cuthbertson, it is said, rem. aft. many yrs. to Charlestown. He address. a petition to our Gen. Ct. in 1662, accomp. with a narrative of the first planting, whereupon, they gave him 300 acres. That tract, with illustrations by the diligence of Frothingham, is print. in 4 Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 476. He d. 19 Apr. 1680, hav. been so reduced in est. as to need aid from the town. Frothinghm, 156. Perhaps in mak. his age a. 90 yrs. the inscript. on his gr.st. at Charlestown may be 10 or 12 yrs. too liberal. See Prince, Ann. I. 131, or Mr. Hale's Ed. 213. [ref 20] [note: Savage calls Mary Priest a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson (aka Godbert Godbertson); she is his step-daughter] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Phineas Pratt, b. c 1593, prob. England (ae 81 or thereabouts in deposition 30 June 1674), (ae about 30 in 1622), d. 19 Apr. 1680, Charlestown. Children: John, Mary, Samuel, Daniel, Mercy, Joseph, Peter, Aaron. [ref 30] Land Grant to Phineas Pratt of Charlestown. 7 May 1662 . . . in answer to the petition of Phineas Prat of Charls Toune, who presented to this Court with a narrative of the straights & hardshipes that the first planters of this colony under went in their endeavers to plant themselves at Plimouth, & since wherof he was one, the Court judgeth it meet to grant him three hundred acres of land where it is to be had, not hindering a plantation . . . Layd out to Phineas Pratt of Charls Toune, three hundred acres of land (more or less) in the wilderness, on the east of Meremack River neare the upper end of Nacooke Brooke, on the south east of it: it begins at a great (sare?) pine standing anent the midle of Nacooke Pond * joyneth to the line of five hundred acres of land lately granted to the toune of Billirrikey . . . 1 June 1665. [ref 30] Although Phineas d in 1680, his estate was not settled until 31 July 1738 [ref 30:203] buried Old Phipps St. Cemetery. (g.s. says ae 90) [ref 30] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PHINEHAS1 PRATT was the son of Rev. Henry Pratt, a Non-conformist English clergyman. He was born in England, and after coming to America, he married in 1630, Mary, daughter of Digerie and Mary (Allerton) Priest. He died April 19, 1680. His age is given on his tomb-stone as 90, which, if correct, would make the year of his birth 1590. His wife survived him about nine years. Children: John, Samuel, Daniel, Peter, Joseph, Aaron, Mary, Mercy. [40:56] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PRATT, Phinehas, joiner, came in the Anne in 1623 to Plymouth; frm. 1633. Sold land near the high cliff in 1633-4. He m. a dau. of Godbert Godbertson. D. at Charlestown April 19, 1680, ae. about 90 years (gr.st.). Will dated 8 Jan. 1677, prob. 15 (4) 1680, beq. to wife Mary and son Joseph. [ref 37:371] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1626 named as "one of the planters resident at Plymoth afforesaid, assigned, and sent over as agent for the rest of the planters ther," purchased for L1800 all the "said stocks, shares, lands, merchandise, and chatles" which had belonged to the Adventurers. [ref 90:419] PRATT, PHINEAS -- Arriving on the Sparrow in 1622, Phineas Pratt was one of an advance group sent out by Thomas Weston, and after the arrival of the full company in the Charity and the Swan, they began the ill-fated settlement of Wessagusset . . . Pratt decided to remain in Plymouth, where he married Mary Priest, daughter of Mayflower passenger Degory Priest and his wife, Sarah, the sister of Isaac Allerton. Pratt did not have a wife at the time of the 1627 livestock division, but he was married before 11 November 1633 when he was appointed to take possession of the personal property of Cuthbert Cuthbertson and his wife Sarah . . . Since Sarah (Allerton) (Vincent) Priest married (3) Cuthbert Cuthbertson, Mary Priest was a stepdaughter to Cuthbertson, a relationship . . . where the court acknowledged that John Coombe, gentleman, and Phineas Pratt, joiner, had been given land by Cuthbertson because of their respective marriages with his 'daughters.' Pratt was a Purchaser, and he was on the 1633 freeman list . . . Pratt later moved to Charlestown in the Bay Colony, where he died 19 April 1680, age about ninety years. He dated his will 8 January 1677/78, proved 15 June 1680, and from the probate papers it can be seen that his children were John, Mary, Samuel, Daniel, Mercy, Joseph, Peter, and Aaron. [ref 90:40] In the 1623 division of lands of the Plymouth Colony, "The fales of their grounds which came ouer in the shipe called the Anne...Phineas Prat & Josuah Prat [prob brother] 2 lots . . . lye on the other side of the towne towards the eele-riuer." [ref 90:417] "One of Weston's settlers at Weymouth who had arrived on the Sparrow, Phineas Pratt, on the breakup of the Weston settlement, moved to Plymouth. He later married Mary Priest, a daughter of the then deceased Mayflower passenger, Degory Priest, and a niece of Plymouth Colony Assistant, Isaac Allerton." [ref 90:23] 22 May 1627 "At a publique Court held . . . it was concluded by the whole Companie, that the cattell wch were the Companies, to wit, the Cowe, & the Goates should be equally divided to all the psonts of the same company & soe kept untill the espiration of ten yeares after the date . . . " [ref 90] ("Phinihas Pratt" is listed in the first lot of "ffrancis Cooke & his Companie") 25 Mar 1633 taxed 00:19:00; 27 Mar 1634 taxed 00:09:00; Aug 1643 Plymouth "Able to Bear Arms" list [ref 90] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 30 Jun 1674 Phineas Pratt aged eighty one years or there abouts dus Testifie that the Lands formerly which I did live upon and did enjoy at Plimouth that land or lott Containing twenty acres or there abouts which lay on the south side of that which was mine was granted by the Court unto mr John Combs and there was no Common betweene those lands and the said Combs did enjoy that lott and Cut wood upon the land and Sold (Plymouth co deeds I:81). (The inscription on Phineas Pratt's gravestone, at Charlestown, Mass., states that he died 19 April, 1680, aged "About 90 Yrs." But we must accept, as more trustworthy, his own statement in the deposition, and assign the year 1693 as the approximate date of his birth.) [ref 93:2-45] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - At about age 78, Phineas requested more land to take care of him in his latter days, but the court turned him down. 8 January 1677/8 will written; probated 15 June 1680; estate inventoried at L135; final division not made until 1738. Shares went to John, deceased; Peter, deceased; Samuel, Daniel, and Mary; with The other three, Mercy, Aaron, and Joseph having previously deposed of their shares. Phineas' father was a preacher who prob died in prison for his nonconformity - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Phineas asked for, and received 300 acres as payment for saving the Plymouth Colony from imminent Indian attack. The following is his own account: In the Time of Sperituall darkness, when ye State Ecleisasti . . . Roome Ruled & ouer Ruled most of the Nations of Vrope, it plea . . . to giue wisdom to many, kings and people, in breaking yt sperituall yo . . . ; yet, not with standing, there Arose great strif Among such people yt ar knowne by the name of prodastonce, in many Cases Concerning ye worship of God; but ye greatest & strongest number of men Comonly pvaled Against the smaller and lesor Number. At this time the honored States of Holland gave moore Liberty in Casses of Relidgon yn could be injoyed in some other places. Upon wich diuers good Cristians Remoued the . . . dwellings into ye Low Cuntrys. Yn on Company yt Dwelt in the Sitty of Laydon, being not well Able outwardly to subsist, tooke Counsell & Agred to Remoue into Amerika, into some port Northward of Verginia. Ye Duch people ofored ym diuers Condishons to suply ym wth things Nesasary if thay would Liue vndor ye Gouerment of thayr State, but thay Refused it. This thay did yt all men might know the Intier Loue thay bore to thayr King & Cuntry; for in ym ther was never found any lack of Lifill obedience. Thay sent to thayr Freinds in Eingland to Let them Vnderstand what thay intended to doe. Then diuers Fr . . . Disbursed some monys for ye Ferthering of soe good a work. It is F . . . to be understod yt, in the yeare 1618, ther apeared a blasing star ouer Garmany yt maed ye wiss men of Vrope astonished thayr . . . Spedily after, near about yt time, these people begun to propoes Remouall. Thay Agred yt thayr strongest & Ablest men should goe . . . to provid for thayr Wiffs & children. Yn Coming into Eingland, they sett Forward in to ships, but thayr Leser ship sprung a leak & reterned . . . Eingland; ye biger ship Ariued att Cape Codd, 1620 it being winter, then Caled new Eingland but formerly Caled Canidy. They sent forth thayr boat vpon discouery. Thayr boat being Reterned to theyr Shipp, thay Remoued into ye bay of Plimoth & begun theyr planta . . . by the Riuer of Petuxet. Thayr Shipp being reterned & safly Arived in Eingland, those Gentlemen & Marchents, yt had vndertaken to suply ym wth things Nesasary, vnderstanding yt many of ym weare sick & some ded, maed hast to send a ship wth many things nesasery; but som Indescret men, hoping to incoridg thayr freinds to Come to ym, writ Letters Conserning ye great plenty of Fish fowle and deare, not considering yt ye wild Salvages weare many times hungrye, yt have a better scill to catch such thinthen Einglish men haue. The Adventvrers, willing to saf thayr Monys, sent them weekly provided of vicktualls, as Many moore after ym did the lyke; & yt was ye great Cause of famine. At the same time, Mr. Thomas Westorne, a Merchent of good credit in London, yt was yn thayr treshurer, yt had disberst much of his Mony for ye good of New Eingland, sent forth a ship for ye settleing a plantation in the Massachusetts Bay, but wanting a pilote we Ariued att Damoralls Cove. The men yt belong to ye ship, ther fishing, had newly set up a may pole & weare very mery. We maed hast to prepare a boat fit for costing. Then said Mr. Rodgers, Master of our ship, "heare ar Many ships & at Munhigin, but no man yt does vndertake to be yor pilate; for they say yt an Indian Caled Rumhigin vndertook to pilot a boat to Plimoth, but thay all lost thar Lives." Then said Mr. Gibbs, Mastrs Mate of our ship, "I will venter my Live with ym." At this Time of our discouery, we first Ariued att Smithe's Ilands, first soe Caled by Capt. Smith, att the Time of his discouery of New Eingland, . . . fterwards Caled Ilands of Sholes; From thence to Cape Ann . . . so Caled by Capt Mason; from thence to ye Mathechusits Bay. Ther we continued 4 or 5 days. Then we pseaued, yt on the south part of the Bay, weare fewest of the natives of the Cuntry Dwelling ther. We thought best to begine our plantation, but fearing A great Company of Salvages, we being but 10 men, thought it best to see if our friends weare Living at Plimoth. Then sayling Along the Cost, not knowing the harber, thay shot of a peece of Ardinance, and at our coming Ashore, thay entertaned vs wth 3 vally of shotts. Theyr seckond ship was Reterned for Eingland before we Came to ym. We asked ym wheare the Rest of our freinds weare yt came in the first ship. Thay said yt God had taken ym Away by deth, & yt before thayr seckond ship came, thay weare soe destresed with sicknes yt thay, feareing the salvages should know it, had sett up thayr sick men with thayr muscits vpon thayr Rests & thayr backs Leaning Aganst trees. At this Time, on or two of them went wth vs in our vesill to ye place of Fishing to bye vicktualls. 8 or 9 weeks after this, to of our ships Arived att Plimoth -- the leser of our 3 ships continued in the Cuntry with vs. Then we maed hast to settle our plantation in the Masachusets bay -- our Number being neare sixty men. Att the same time ther was a great plag Among the salvagis, &, as ym selfs told vs, half thayr people died thereof. The Natius caled the place of our plantation Wesaguscasit. Neare vnto it is a towne of Later Time Caled Weymoth. The Salvagis seemed to be good freinds with vs while they feared vs, but when they see famin prevall, they begun to insult, as apeareth by the seaquell; for on of thayr Pennesses or Chef men, Caled Pexsouth, implyed himself to Learne to speek Einglish, obsarving all things for his blody ends. He told me he Loued Einglish men very well, but he Loued me best of all. Then he said, "you say French men doe not loue you, but I will tell you what wee have don to ym. Ther was a ship broken by a storm. Thay saued most of theyr goods & hid it in the Ground. We maed ym tell us whear it was. Ya we maed ym sarvants. Thay weept much. When we parted them, we gaue ym such meat as our dogs eate. On of ym had a Booke he would ofen Reed in. We Asked him "what his Booke said." He answered, "It saith, ther will a people, lick French men, com into this Cuntry and driue you all a way, & now we thincke you ar thay. We took Away thayr Clothes. Thay liued but a little while. On of them Liued Longer than the Rest, for he had a good master & gaue him a wiff. He is now ded, but hath a sonn Alive. An other Ship Came into the bay wth much goods to Trucke, yn I said to the Sacham, I will tell you how you shall haue all for nothing. Bring all our Canows & all our Beauer & a great many men, but no bow nor Arow Clubs, nor Hachits, but knives vnder ye scins yt About our Lines. Throw vp much Beauer vpon thayr Deck; sell it very Cheep & when I giue the word, thrust yor knives in the French mens Bellys. Thus we killed ym all. But Mounsear Finch, Master of thayr ship, being wounded, Leped into ye hold. We bidd him com vp, but he would not. Then we cutt thayr Cable & ye ship went Ashore & lay vpon her sid & slept ther. Finch Came vp & we killed him. Then our Sachem devided thayr goods & Fiered theyr Ship & it maed a very great fier."1 Som of our Company Asked ym "how long it was Agow sinc thay first see ships? Thay said thay could not tell, but thay had heard men say ye first ship yt thay see, seemed to be a floting Iland, as thay suposed broken of from the maine Land, wrapt together wth the roats of Trees, with some trees upon it. Thay went to it with thayr Canows, but seeing men & hearing guns, thay maed hast to be gon. But after this, when thay saw Famin prevale, Peckworth said, "why doe yor men & yor dogs dy?" I said, "I had Corn for a Time of need. Yn I filed a Chest, but not with Corne & spred Corn on . . . him Com opened the Couer and when I was shure he see it, I put dow . . . as if I would not haue him see it." Then he said "No Indian Soe . . . You haue much Corne & English men dye for want." Then thay h . . . intent to make warr thay Remoued some of thayr howses to th . . . a great swamp neare to the pale of our plantation. After this yer . . . a morning I see a man goeing into on of thayr howses, weary with trafelling & Galded on his feet. Yn I said to Mr. Salsbery, our Chirurgeon, shurly thayr Sachem hath implyed him for som intent to make war vpon vs. Then I took a Bagg wth gunpowder and putt it in my pockitt, wth the Top of the bagg hanging out, & went to ye house whear the man was laid vpon a matt. The woman of the howse took hold of the bagg, saying, what is this soe bigg? I said it is good for Salvagis to eat, and strock hur on the Arm as hard as I could. Then she said, Matchet powder Einglish men, much Matchit. By and by Abordicis bring Mouch Mans, Mouch Sannups, & kill you & all Einglish men att Wessaguscus & Patuckset. The man yt lay upon ye mats, seeing this, was Angry and in a great Rage, and the woman seemed to be sore afraid. Yn I went out of the howse, and said to a young man yt could best vnderstand thayr Langwig, goe Aske ye woman, but not in ye man's hearing, why the man was Agry, & shee Afraid? Our interpreter, Coming to me, said, "these are the words of the woman -- ye man will . . . Abordicis what I said & he & all Indians will be angry with me . . . This Peexworth said, "I love you." I said " I loue you." I said "I loue you as well as you Loue me." Then he said, in broken Einglish, "me heare you can make the Lickness of men & of women, dogs & dears, in wood & stone. Can you make . . ." I said, "I can see a kniue in yor hand, wth an Ill favored Fase upon the haft." Then he gave it into my hand to see his workmanship, & said, "this kniue cannot see, it Can not heare, it Can not spek; but by & by it can eat. I haue Another knive at home wth a fase upon the haft as lick a man as this is lick a woman. Yt knive Can not see, it Can not heare, it Can not speke, but it can eat. It hath killed much, French men, & by & by this knive & yt knive shall mary & you shall be thear . . . knive at home he had kep for a moniment, from the tim they had killed Mounsear Finch;" but as the word went out of his mouth, I had a good will to thrust it in his belly. He said, "I see you ar much angry." I said, "Guns ar Longer then knius." Som tim after this thar Sacham Cam sudingly upon us wth a great numbor of Armed men; but thayr spys seeing us in a Redines, he & some of his Chif men, terned into on of thar howses a quartor of An our. Then wee met them wthout the pale of our plantation & brought them in. Then said I to a yong man yt could best speke thayr Langwig, "Aske Pexworth whi thay com thus Armed." He Answered, "our Sacham is angry wth you." I said, "Tell him if he be Angry wth us, wee be Angry wth him." Yn said thayr Sachem, "Einglish men, when you Com into ye Cuntry, we gave you gifts and you gaue vs gifts; we bought and sold wth you and we weare freinds; and now tell me if I or any of my men have don you Rong." We answered, "First tell us if we have don you Any Rong." He answered, "Some of you steele our Corne & I have sent you word times wthout number & yet our Corne is stole. I come to see what you will doe." We answered, "It is on man wich hath don it. Yor men have seen vs whip him divers times, besids other manor of punishments, & now heare he is Bound. We give him vnto you to doe wth him what you please." He answered, "yt is not just dealeing. If my men wrong my nabur sacham, or his men, he sends me word & I beat or kill my men, acording to the ofenc. If his men wrong me or my men, I send him word & he beats or kills his men Acording to the ofence. All Sachams do Justis by thayr own men. If not we say they ar all Agreed & then we Fite, & now I say you all steele my Corne." At this Time som of them, seeing som of our men upon our forte, begun to start, saying, "Machit Pesconk," that is nawty Guns. Then Looking Round about them went a way in a great Rage. Att this Time we strenthened our wach untell we had no Food left. In thes times the Salvagis ofentime did Crep upon the snow, starting behind Boushes & trees to see whether we kepe wach or not . . . times I haveing Rounded our plantation untell I had no longer . . . nth; yn in the night, goeing into our Corte of Gard, I see on man ded before me & Another at my writ hand & An other att my left for want of food. O all ye people in New Eingland yt shall heare of these times of our week beginning, Consider what was the strenth of the Arm of flesh or the witt of man; therfor in the times of yor greatest distres put yor trust in God. The ofendor being bound, we lett him louse, because we had no feed to give him, Charging him to gather Ground Nutts, Clams, & Musells, as other men did, & steel no more. On or two days after this, the salvagis brot him, leading him by the armes, sayind "Heare is the Corne. Com see the plase wheare he stole it." Then we kep him bound som few days. After this, to of our Company said "we have bin at the Sachem's howse & thay have near finished thayr last Canoe yt thay may incounter wth our ship. Thayr greatest Care is how to send thayr Army's to Plimoth because of the snow. Yn we prepared to meet ym there. On of our Company said "thay have killed on of our hogs." An other said, "on of ym striked (?) at me wthhis knife;" & others say "they threw dust in our fases." Then said Pexworth to me, "give mee powder & Gunns & I will give you much corne." I said, "by & by men bring ships & vittls." But when we understod yt their plot was to kill all Einglish people in on day when the snow was gon, I would have sent a man to Plimoth, but non weare willing too goe. Then I said if Plimoth men know not of this Trecherous plot, they & we are all ded men; Therefore if God willing, to morrow I will goe. Yt night a yong man, wanting witt, towld Pexworth yearly in the Morning. Pexworth came to me & said in Einglish, "Me heare you goe to Patuxit; you will loose yor self; ye bears and the wolfs will eate you; but because I Love you I will send my boy Nahamit with you; & I will give you vicktualls to eat by ye way & to be mery wth yor freinds when you Com there." I said; "Who towld you soe great a Lye yt I may kill him." He said, "it is noe lye, you shall not know." Then he went whom to his howse. Then Came 5 men Armed. We said, "Why Com you thus Armed." They said, "we are Freinds; you cary Guns wheare we dwell & we cary bowe & Arows wheare you dwell." Thes Atended me 7 or 8 days & nights. Then thay suposeing it was a lye, wheare Carlis of thayr wach near two ours on the morning. Yn said I to our Company, "now is the Time to Run to Plimoth. Is ther any Compas to be found." Thay said, "non but ym yt belng to ye ship." I said, "thay are to Bigg. I have born no armes of Defence this 7 or 8 days. Now if I take my armes thay will mistrust me. Then thay said "Ye salvages will pshue after you & kill you & we shall never see you Agayne." Thus wth other words of great Lamentation, we parted. Then I took a how & went to ye Long Swamp neare by thayr howses & diged on the ege thereof as if I had bin looking for ground nutts, but seeing no man I went in & Run through it. Then Looking Round a bout me, I Run Southward tell 3 of ye Clock, but the snow being in many places, I was the more distresed becaus of my Foot steps. The sonn being beclouded, I wandered, not knowing my way; but att the Goeing down of the sonn, it apeared Red; then hearing a great howling of wolfs, I came to a River; the water being depe & cold & many Rocks, I pased through wth much adoe. Then was I in great distres -- Fant for want of Food, weary with Running, Fearing to make a Fier because of ym yt pshued me. Then I came to a depee dell or hole, ther being much wood falen into it. Then I said in my thoughts, this is God's providence that heare I may make a fier. Then haveing maed a fier, the stars began to a pear and I saw Ursa Magor & the . . . pole yet fearing . . . beclouded. The day following I began to trafell . . . but being unable, I went back to the fier the day ffal . . . sonn shined & about three of the clock I came to that part . . . Plimoth bay wher ther is a Town of Later Time . . . Duxbery. Then passing by the water on my left hand . . . cam to a brock & ther was a path. Haveing but a short Time to Consider . . . ffearing to goe beyond the plantation, I kept Running in the path; then passing through James Ryuer I said in my thoughts, now am I as a deare Chased . . . the wolfs. If I perish, what will be the Condish . . . of distresed Einglish men. Then finding a peec of a . . . I took it up & Caried it in my hand. Then finding a . . . of a Jurkin, I Caried them under my arme. Then said I in my . . . God hath giuen me these two tookens for my Comfort; yt now he will giue me my live for a pray. Then Running down a hill J . . . an Einglish man Coming in the path before me. Then I sat down on a tree & Rising up to salute him said, "Mr. Hamdin, I am Glad to see you aliue." He said "I am Glad & full of wonder to see you aliue: lett us sitt downe, I see you are weary." I said, "Let . . . eate som parched corne." Then he said "I know the Caus . . . Come. Masasoit hath sent word to the Gouernor to let him ( ) yt Aberdikees & his Confederates have contriued a plot hopeing . . . all Einglish people in on day heare as men hard by (ma)king Canoe . . . stay & we will goe wth you. Ye next day a yong . . . named Hugh Stacye went forth to fell a tree & see two . . . rising from the Ground. They said Aberdikees had sent . . . ye Gouernor yt he might send men to trucke for much Beauer, but thay would not goe, but said, "Was not ther An Einglish . . . Come from Wesaguscus." He Answered "he came" . . . Thay said he was thayr Friend, and said come and see who . . . But they Terned another way. He said, "You come to let vs . . ." Providence to vs was great in those times as apeareth . . . after the time of the Ariuall of the first ship at pl . . . fornamed Masasoit Came to Plimoth & thayr maed a co . . . peace, for an Indian Caled Tisquantom Came to ym & spek Einglish . . . Thay Asked him, how he learned to speekee Einglish? He said yt an Einglishman Caled Capt Hunt Came into the Harbor pretending to trade for beaver & stoole 24 men & thayr beaur & Caried & Sould them in Spaine. & from thence wth much adoe he went into Eingland & From Eingland wth much adoe he gott into h(is) owne Cuntry. This man tould Masasoit what wonders he had seen in Eingland & yt if he Could make Einglish his Freinds then . . . Enemies yt weare to strong for him would be Constrained to bowe to him; but being prevented by some yt Came in ye first ship yt . . . Recorded yt wich Conserned them I leave it. Two or 3 days after my Coming to Plimoth, 10 or 11 men went in a boat to or� plantation, but I being fanted was not able to goe wth ym. They first gave warning to the master of the ship & then Contrived how to make sure of the Liues of to of thayr Cheef men, Wittiwomitt, of whom they bosted no Gun would kill, and Pexworth, a suttle man. These being slaine they fell opon others wheare thay could find ym. Then Abordikees, hearing yt some of his men weare killed, Came to try his manwhod, but as thay weare starting behind bushes & trees, on of ym was shott in the Arme. At this time An Indian caled Hobermack, yt formerly had fleed for his liue from his Sacham to Plimoth, aproued himself a valient man in fiting & pshuing after them. Two of our men were killed yt thay took in thayr howses att An Advantage . . . this Time pl . . . weare instruments in the . . . nds of God for . . . thayr own liues and ours. Thay tooke the head of . . . & sett it on thayr Fort att Plimoth att . . . 9 (?) of our men weare ded wth Famine and on died in the ship before thay Came to the place whear at that Time of yeare ships Came to Fish -- it being in March. At this Time ships began to Fish at ye Islands of Sholes and I haveing Recovered a Little of my . . . th went to my Company near about this Time . . . the first plantation att Pascataqua the . . . thereof was Mr. Dauid Tomson at the time of my arivall (?) att Pascataqua. To of Abordikees men Came thither & seeing me said, "when we killed yor men thay cried and maed Il fauored Fases." I said, "when we killed yor men, we did not Torment them to make ourself (?) mery." Then we went with our ship into the bay & took from them two Shalops Loading of Corne & of thayr men prisoners ther as a Towne of Later Time Caled Dorchester. The third and last time was in the bay of Agawam. At this Time they took for thayr casell a thick swamp. At this time oon of our ablest men was shot in the sholder. Wether Any oof them wear killed or wounded we could not tell. Ther is a Town of Later time, neare vnto yt place Caled Ipswich. Thus . . . plantation being deserted, Capt. Robert Gore cam . . . the Cuntry wth six gentlemen Atending him & diuers men to doe his Labor & other men wth thayr familys. Thay took possession of our plantation, but thayr ship suply from Eingland Came to late. Thus was Famine thayr final oforthrow. Most of ym yt liued Reterned for Eingland. The oforseers of the third plantation in the bay was Capt. Wooliston & Mr. Rosdell. Thes seeing the Ruing of the former plantation, said, we will not pich our Tents heare, least we should doe as thay have Done. Notwithstanding these Gentlemen wear wiss men, thay seemed to blame the oforseeors of the formur Companies not Considering yt God plants & pull vp Bilds & pulls down & terns the wisdom of wiss men into foolishness. These Caled ye name of thayr place Mountwooliston. They Continued neare a yeare as others had don before ym; but famin was thayr finall aforthrow. Neare vnto yt place is a Town of Lator Time Caled Brantry. Not long after the oferthrow of the first plantation in the bay, Capt. Louit Cam to yer Cuntry. At the Time of his being at Pascataway a Sacham or Sagamor Gaue two of his men, on to Capt. Louit & An other to Mr. Tomson, but on yt was ther said, "How can you trust these Salvagis. Cale the nam f on Watt Tylor, & ye other Jack Straw, after ye names of the two greatest Rebills yt ever weare in Eingland." Watt Tylor said "when he was a boy Capt. Dormer found him upon an Island in great distress." "In answer to the petition of Phineas Prat of Charls Toune, who presented this court was a narrative of the streights & hardships that the first planters of this Colony underwent in their endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since wherof he was one the Court judgeth it meet to Graunt him Three hundred acres of land wher it is to be had not hindering a plantation." - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - buried Old Bur Grnd, Charlestown MA; gravestone reads: FUGIT HORA. | HERE LIES Ye BODY OF PHINEHAS | PRATT AGd ABOUT 90 Yrs. DECd APRIL | Ye 19 1 6 80 | & WAS ON OF Ye FIRST ENGLISH | INHABITANTS OF Ye MASSACHUSETS COLONY - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - THE WILL OF PHINEHAS PRATT, 8 Jan 1677 - 15 Jun 1680: I, Phinehas Pratt of Charlestown, in the county of Middlesex, Joiner, being very aged and crazie of body yett in perfect memory and understanding, doe make this my last will and testament. Item, I give unto my beloved wife Mary Pratt all my movable goods, and fortie shillings a year, to be paid out of my land in Charlestown, and the use of the garden for the term of her life: this forty shillings is to be payed by my sonn Joseph Pratt for and in consideration of the having my land, and my wife is to have a convenient room of my sonn Joseph, with a chimney in it, to her content to live in, for term of her life without molestation or trubl. But if my sonn Joseph doeth not perform this I will that then my wife Mary Pratt shall have the one half of the land to disposing for her best comfort. It is to be understood that the one half which the new house standeth on is given to Joseph, upon the condition of providing of a convenient room for me and my wife for term of our lives; and the other half, for the paying of the fortie shillings a year, paying it quarterly; that is to say ten shillings a quarter, in money and fire-wood at money prices. And if I have anything left at the death of my wife it shall be equally divided among the rest of my children. Phineas Pratt This eight of January 1677. Sealed and delivered in presents of Walter Alen Robert (his mark) Alen L. S. Ann Innvytory of the Estat of Phinias Prat of Charlstown deceased a psell of land 18 00 00 In primis in woolen clothes of his 01 10 00 It in linning shirts 00 09 00 It 8 pillober & 5 napkins 00 13 00 It 5 sheetts 01 04 00 It 4 blanckitts & 2 ruggs 02 05 00 It a bed boulster and pillo 02 10 00 It a small bed 00 08 00 It 2 culboards 2 Chests, one box 01 05 00 It peuter 02 02 00 It 2 brass Skillitts 5s a warmg pan 5s 00 10 00 It 2 Iorn potts on Skillit 00 09 00 It 2 Iorn keettells 01 06 00 It a tramil & fring pan 00 03 00 It a small tabell 2 chayers 00 05 00 It a pr of hose 2 bages 00 04 00 It earthen war 5 trenchers 00 02 06 It wooden ware 00 02 00 It a hachit a houldfast, a froue 00 05 00 It lumber 00 16 00 It bookes 00 08 00 total 34 16 06 thes goods are prized by Larenc Dowce & henery Balcom the 21 : 3 : 1680 15 : 4 : 80 Sworn in Court by the executrix Mary Pratt as attest, Tho : Danforth. R. Added 4. 12.81 Cow comon in charlstown stinted common 06 00 00 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - picture: signature - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - | ||||||||||
| Notes for Mary* PRIEST | ||||||||||
| - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - PRIEST, MARY -- A daughter of Degory Priest...Mary Priest arrived with her mother on the Anne in 1623, and she later married Phineas Pratt. [ref 90:342] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Mary Priest2, b. c1613, Leiden, d. betw. 7 Mar. 1676/7 (4:137) when Charlestown provided for her support and the 22 July 1689 (4:136) order to appraise her est.; m. betw. the 22 May 1627 cattle division and 24 Oct. 1633 (4:136) her mother's inv., Phineas Pratt, b. c1593, prob. England (2:46), deposed ae 81 or thereabouts 30 June 1674 (4:91), ae about 30 in 1622 (4:136), d. ae 90, credence must be given to the age he gives when alive, not the age given him at his death. Eight Pratt children (2:195): John, Mary, Samuel, Daniel, Mercy, Joseph, Peter, Aaron, Sarah. [ref 30:85] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - July, 1689. Then Mr. Joseph Greene Senior, and Mr. Eleazor Phillips were impowered to apprise the goods of widow Pratt, lately died. [ref 40:54] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Phineas' wife was Mary, daughter of Degory and Sarah (Allerton) (Vincent) Priest. She was born in Leiden, Holland, probably within a year or two after the marriage of her parents November 4, 1611. Neither she nor her sister nor mother came with Degory Priest in the Mayflower to Plymouth in 1620. After her husband's death there on January 1 1620/21, the widow married Godbert Godbertson at Leiden November 13, 1621, and, with her two daughters, Mary and Sarah Priest, came with him to Plymouth in the Anne in 1623. There Mary Priest met and married Phineas Pratt. It has been frequently stated that they were married in 1630. There is not a particle of evidence in the Plymouth records to support this statement, though it must be admitted that neither is there any evidence to disprove it. The most the records prove is that they were married after the division of cattle May 22, 1627 and before Godbert Godbertson's death, which occurred prior to Octover 24, 1633, the date of the inventory of his estate. The division of land in 1623 contains the names of the heads of families only, but the division of cattle May 22, 1627, contains the names of all persons in the colony at the time (except possibly some of the servants), grouped in families. Thus, in the Godbertson family, we find Godbert Godbertson, Sarah Godbertson, Samuel Godbertson, Mary Priest and Sarah Priest. The order in which the names of the sisters occur indicates that Mary was the older (males are listed first). Mary survived her husband and died probably just prior to July 22 1689, for on that date there is the following entry in the town orders -- Then Mr Jacob Green Senr & Mr Eleazr Phillips were & are Impowered to Apprize the goods of Widd. Pratt who lately decd at Tho Barbar and to dispose of the same for the sattisfing her Debt to Tho. Barbars wife & as their discretion shall direct them. And so to make returne thereof to the selectmen at their next meeting. [ref 93:4-136] - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - | ||||||||||
| Last Modified 22 Aug 2004 | Created 4 Jan 2005 |