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Richard, born in 1834, would have been about 14 when the family came to Australia and still a teenager when he went to the Victorian goldfields. At age 22 he became a farmer at Tothills Creek. He married Mary Ann Warne the following year, on 10th April 1858. Mary Ann had arrived from Cornwall with her family a few weeks after the Tripletts1. The daughter of a carpenter, she must have been at least slightly better educated than Richard since she was able sign the marriage certificate.
Their first 8 children were born in Tothills Creek or Kapunda between 1858 and October 1871. It must have been quite a struggle to support them on only 148 acres of land. It is possible he also worked his brother’s land during the 1860s. Perhaps Richard also had off-farm work, in which case the lack of jobs in 1871 might have triggered the need to find a bigger farm.
The government was under pressure from small farmers or would-be farmers to make it easier for them to buy land. Of course it could not sell land more cheaply than it had done so in the past, so in 1869 it started to sell land on credit. As amended by the 1871 act, the terms were an interest payment of 10% in advance and a further 10% interest payment after three years, with the principle payable at the end of five years. Alternatively the term could be extended for a further three years with interest in advance of 5% per annum. The buyer had to live on the land and make improvements worth at least 5 shillings per acre in the first two years.
Contemporary Victorian legislation was much more generous, since there was no deposit and no interest, only semi-annual payments of principle over 10 years2. This is significant because one of the main drivers of the scheme from the government's point of view was that South Australian farmers were being lured away to Victoria, although the extent of this was probably exaggerated. A major problem with the old auction scheme from the farmers point of view had been competition from rich pastoralists and speculators, which the residence condition was designed to remove.3
Even more generous was the 1862 homestead act in the United States, which granted a settler 160 acres for a filing fee of $18, with conditions.
Under the 1869 South Australian act, land was sold at auction as usual, with a minimum price of ₤1 per acre. However, in addition land was made available at a fixed price in special “agricultural areas”. Competing buyers were selected by lot, and if there were no buyers for a section the price was progressively reduced to ₤1 per acre. The agricultural area of Kalkabury, hundred of Tiparra, on the Yorke Peninsula was surveyed in 1871, with just 33 sections plus another seven reserved for a grand town with parklands and suburban blocks. The surveyor’s report described it as “good open country with low ridges, plain surrounded with dense Mallee”4. (Mallee refers to any of a number of small Eucalyptus tree species that have multiple stems and grow in semi-arid country.) The sections went on sale in April 1872 and Richard bought 284 acres for £426 in May 1872 (sections 55 and 57)5. He bought a further 198 acres (section 56) after the price was reduced to £1 an acre in July6.
Northern Yorke Peninsula showing Kalkabury Agricultural Area
While it was still crown land the area had been used for sheep grazing by Walter Hughes of Wallaroo. There were a couple of shepherd’s huts and an underground tank on what became sections 38 and 42. There was no other source of water, so selectors would have had to build their own tanks or dams. In April 1874 they were reported to be carting water from a government well at Yorke Valley (later Maitland), about 12 miles to the south along a rough track7. This means they would have spent as much time carting water to supply their plough horses as they did ploughing. This well was 170 feet deep and had been constructed by the Rogers family8 who leased the area for sheep grazing from 1851. The water was too brackish for human consumption.
128 sections in the Yorke Valley area were opened for credit selection in October 18729, so the demand on this well would have increased rapidly. Later reports talk of carting water even further from Moonta or Kadina10 or from a well at Tiddy Widdy Beach near Ardrossan11. In July 1874 one of the Kalkabury residents wrote:
“Mr Leonard is proceeding with his well, and expects to strike water very soon. It is to be hoped that it will turn out as he wishes. It would be a great thing for us here if we could only obtain a well of fresh water”12.
Kalkabury Area, Sections Owned by Richard Triplett Outlined in Blue
Mr Leonard must have been an optimist because during 1873 a company looking for copper had sunk a 96-foot shaft on section 40 without striking water13. (They never found any payable copper either.)
In the hot summer of January 1877 the government tanks at Moonta ran dry. Stills were set up at the Moonta and Wallaroo mines to supply water at 2 shillings per hogshead14, which works out at about 7.6 litres for a penny. That summer prompted the government to construct a number of reservoirs including one of 500,000 gallons at Kalkabury. At the end of August 1878 this was full, and by the start of the following April it was reported that there were 17 teamsters with wagons and large iron tanks waiting to fill up from the dam which would be empty by the end of the day15.
Collecting Water from a Government Dam16
The recurring shortage of water was not because of drought, since there was enough rain every year to produce a decent crop on the peninsula. Rather it was a result of terrain such that there was little run-off and few places to catch and store it, and I suppose the very high evaporation suffered by shallow reservoirs in the summer. The problem was not solved until the 1950s when water was piped the two hundred kilometres from the Murray River.
Beside the lack of water a major problem for the farmers was transport, in particular getting their grain to market. It was 12 miles to Moonta as the crow flies, but the only way to get there was by a narrow track winding through the scrub which made the distance 17 miles. To go to Moonta for supplies was a full day there and back. Surveying of a road was started in late 1874 but construction was not completed until at least 5 years later. Richard put in at least one successful tender, to make 25 chains of road for ₤18017. The town of Kalkabury (officially called Arthurton) was not surveyed until March 1877.
Newspaper article from 1876.
Meanwhile in the winter of 1874 a school was started in the miners hut on section 40, mining having stopped by then. Henry Jones, a surveyor by profession, was given a probationary licence to teach. The cost was sixpence per week for young children and one shilling for older ones18. In June there were 20 pupils plus “8 youths attending evening classes”19.
The school closed down when the miners hut was demolished, and Henry Jones later became the postmaster. In January 1875 Richard Triplett and five other men bought 2 ½ acres of land for a school20, but the money to build it could not be found, as the government at that time would only match funds raised privately. The government finally built a school in Kalkabury in 1879. Before then classes were conducted for “a few winter months” in the small Wesleyan chapel, built of wattle and daub in 1875.21
The upshot is that moving to Kalkabury may have compromised the education of Richard’s six eldest children.
The Tripletts were not listed as being members of the Wesleyan church at Kalkabury22, and the only other church was Roman Catholic.
Although the surveyor described Kalkabury agricultural area as “good open country”, many of the sections were at least partly covered in Mallee scrub23.
To digress, under the scrub (i.e. Mallee) lands act of 1866, land to which the act was applied could be leased for 21 years with a right to purchase at any time for ₤1 an acre, on the condition that at least one twentieth was cleared every year. The rent was also set by public auction. No land on the Yorke Peninsula was made available for sale under this act before 1880, but it is interesting to look at how the act worked in other areas. According to a paper written in 188124, “During the 11 years from the beginning of 1867 to the end 1877, 134,982 acres were taken up at a trifle over a penny per acre rent; yet even at this low rental over two-fifths of the total area, or nearly 60,000 acres, were forfeited, the purchasers finding it almost impossible to comply with the conditions. The cost of clearing scrub by grubbing varies from £2 to £7 per acre, according to locality, density, and size of timber, and as good open land could then be purchased for less than the cost of clearing the scrub, it is evident that the cultivation of scrub land would not be a profitable undertaking.”
The figure of £2 per acre, while often quoted, is meaningless for someone doing the work themselves, since then the cost is just that of buying whatever equipment is needed and feeding one’s horses and one's self. In Ross’s paper he later states that using Scoble’s grubber a man, a boy and horse can clear ¾ of an acre a day, although exactly what density and type of trees he refers to is not clear, and perhaps this figure does not include cutting down the trees. Elsewhere in the paper he gives a figure of 2 acres per week for different equipment. There may have been no such machines available when Richard started, which would have made clearing harder, but he was one of 26 people who endorsed the “Achilles stump extractor” in an advertisement in 1878.25
There was a market for wood to feed the steam engines at the Moonta copper mine, but until a proper road was constructed it would not have paid to cart it there.
In any case, cutting down the mallee and grubbing out the stumps was not a practice that continued for long. A cheaper method was developed called “Mullenizing” after its originator, whose first name seems to have been lost in the mists of time. On his property at Wasleys in 1868 Mullens chopped down the scrub and burnt it, then planted his crop among the stumps26. The Mallee Eucalypts re-sprout from the root (technically lignotuber) but grow mainly in summer, so they do not compete too much with the winter crop, although larger shoots might have to be cut off before harvesting the wheat. The stubble is burnt at the end of the following summer along with the re-sprouted Mallee. The 1881 paper quoted above states “A sufficient number of years has not elapsed since this system commenced to prove how long it will take to destroy the stumps left in the ground”. The time was later stated to be 15 to 20 years27. During this time a crop, or at least something to make a hot fire, needs to be sown every year so that the tree roots do not have a chance to replenish their energy reserves.
This system was made truly practical by the adoption of rollers to knock down the scrub, and especially by the invention of the stump jump plough in June 1876 by R. B. Smith, a neighbour of Richard’s. This was demonstrated in August 1876 on Smiths land (section 58), in the presence of Richard and others28. Smith could not afford to patent his invention and many others started to build stump jump ploughs. Richard was one of the judges in a competition for stump jump ploughs in September 1880.
In December 1879 Richard bought 782 acres at government auction (sections 461 and 462, hundred of Tiparra) for £113329. These sections were southeast of Agery, about 12km north of Arthurton. The credit terms at this time were 10% interest in advance and 10% after three years, with a 25% principle payment after 6 years and the balance payable after 9 years with no further interest.
Sections at Agery Owned by Richard Triplett, Frederick Triplett or James Putland.
click on map to enlarge it
In November 1880 Richard purchased a further 218 acres (section 413w) for ₤21830. Under the 1880 act the ridiculously complex credit terms had been changed yet again. The 10% interest in advance still applied, with no further payments until the tenth year when 25% of the principle was payable, after which an interest rate of 5% per annum applied for another 10 years. (It may have been even more complex than this.)31 Still less generous than Victoria, where the interest free credit terms had also been extended to 20 years. A purchaser was permitted to own up to 1000 acres – 218 acres would bring Richards holding to exactly this, indicating use of a provision in the 1880 act allowing purchase of just sufficient land from an adjoining section to “top up” a holding (on payment of a survey fee). Without knowing the quality of the land, it seems to have been a good deal considering that at around this time would-be farmers were buying land to the north of Goyder’s line for up to ₤3 an acre, only to be ruined by three years of crop failure32. (Goyder was the state’s surveyor-general who drew the famous line on the map, north of which he considered the rainfall was not reliable enough for agriculture. He was dead right, and it was proved the hard way, at huge human and environmental cost.)
Richard purchased a further 358 acres of partially cleared land (section 460), possibly in 188133.
Richard’s last child was born in September 1884, and his wife died the following month.
Moving to Agery may have again disrupted the education of some of his children, since the first school there opened in June 1886. Richard, Sydney, Albert and Ernest attended the Agery school from when it opened33b. Ernest had been attending Arthurton school until October 1984, even though it was 8 miles (13 km) away. Perhaps he was boarding with someone in town? Richard had been attending Glanville Model School near Port Adelaide until March. It is likely he was boarding with his mother's brother John William Warn, who had his parents living with him as well as his own family. Sydney and 8 year old Albert had not previously attended school.
It was the hardships of mainly far northern farmers that prompted parliament in 1884 to pass a law to bail them out of their difficulties. However the law applied not only to those in difficulty or those in marginal country, but to anyone who had bought land from the government on credit and not yet paid it off. They could surrender their lease for a new interest free credit purchase, a process known as reselection, and have all the rent and interest they had paid credited towards the purchase price. Richard did this in March 1885 for his three earlier sections34. This was not enough to get him out of financial difficulties, as in March 1887 he owed a total of ₤2457 to 20 creditors, presumably not including money owing to the government on his land35. A meeting of creditors including his brother in law Thomas Warn (who was a draper in Moonta) resolved to carry him until the following February in exchange for security over his stock, implements and land. (Most of the debt had previously been unsecured.) However in March 1888 his farm, livestock and equipment was put up for auction by the creditors36.
Ad from Wallaroo Times, Saturday 3 March 1888, page 4
Richard seems to have miraculously retained sections 461, 462 and 413w (totalling 1000 acres) after the above auction, because in November 1890 they were again up for auction, this time along with household effects (including piano), indicating that he was planning to move to Victoria37. At least the nine youngest children would have moved to Victoria with their father.
At the same auction his son Frederick was selling his farm stock, implements and machinery, located on his fathers farm. Frederick had bought land in Victoria two years earlier, as described below. It appears that Richard had been farming using his son’s equipment since his own was sold by the creditors.
In January 1892 Richard purchased the leasehold to 635 acres (just under one square mile) of land in the Victorian Mallee from James Putland, who had been a neighbour of Richard’s on the Yorke Peninsula and married his daughter Rosina in 1887. On the transfer application Richard stated that he was a farmer on the land in question38. The land, lot 91L County Borung (later lot 21 in the parish of Batchica), was part of a 6 ¼ square mile mallee allotment held under section 15 of the Mallee Pastoral Leases act of 1883. James had bought the lease in Feb 188739. The lease would expire in 1903, but lessees were entitled to compensation for improvements including clearing and there was apparently a widespread expectation that lessees would be given right of purchase at the expiry of the lease. This was formalised in the Mallee Lands act of 1889 for up to 320 acres, with the area increased in later acts. As a result the transfer value of leases actually increased from about ₤40 per square mile in 1885 to as much as ₤640 per square mile (₤1 an acre) as the expiry date approached40.
Lots owned by the Triplett family at Norwegian in the 1890s
In 1891, as a result of a free-for-all in private subdivisions of the Mallee, transfers were suspended while a parliamentary select committee examined the situation. James and Richard got around this by each making a statutory declaration that the sale was agreed verbally in 1889. This may well be true since we know Richard had moved to Victoria at least a year before the lease transfer was applied for.
The locality was variously described as Brim, Galaquil or Norwegian, the former two being the nearest towns and the latter the name of a dam on the Yarriambiack Creek, about half way between them, adjacent to James Putland’s land. Galaquil was also known a Norwegian for a while. Norwegian is a corruption of Naarwegian or Gnarrwidgan which is said to have been the Aboriginal name for a plain in the scrub nearby.41 Norwegian dam was also called three mile dam because it was three miles from the homestead of Brim station.
The rent payed by James, and on parts of his leasehold that he had previously sold to others, was ₤4 per square mile per annum (with the area rounded up to the nearest square mile). However the law with regard to transferring parts of mallee allotments had apparently changed??? and Richard was required to pay rent of ₤7.18.10 per annum.
James and his brother retained the land that fronted Yarriambiack Creek, from where in drier years Richard would have had to cart water five miles to his block. There would eventually be a system of earth channels to supply water from reservoirs in the Grampians to properties throughout the Wimmera and Mallee, but little of it was constructed in time to benefit the Tripletts. The exception is the Yarriabiack itself which in 1886 had effectively been converted into a channel by scooping to increase the flow42. The Yarriambiack is "distributory" of the Wimmera River. In its natural state water would flow into the creek only when the river was flooded, but as early as ??? a weir had been constructed to make the flow down the creek more permanent.
The Warracknabeal to Beulah railway, passing through James’s property, was completed in January 189343. Prior to this wheat would have to be carted to Warracknabeal at considerable expense.
In March 1896 Richard wrote a letter asking for his rent to be decreased to ₤1 per annum, and a farmer whose name is indecipherable but who was presumably influential wrote a letter supporting his request. What can be deciphered from the letter is that Richard had six dependants (presumably Beatrice and the five youngest sons Henry, Albert, Sydney, Charles and Reginald), his sheds and all his tools had been destroyed by fire, and the latest harvest had yielded only 100 bags from 600 acres. The annual rainfall at Brim for 1895 was 260mm compared to the long-term average of 348mm.
In Wise’s directory for 1897/98 there are three Tripletts listed as farmers, John (Richard’s son John Thomas) at Brim, Frederick (another son) at Galaquil, and Richard and John together at Galaquil. Frederick had land in his own name adjacent to his father’s but I have not found any record of land owned by John. Henry had bought land elsewhere in the Mallee in 1897 and Beatrice was married in 1898 but as far as is known the four youngest sons were still living with their father.
In March 1900 Richard Triplett sold the lease on lot 21, the reason given being “insufficient capital”. Rainfall had continued to be below average in each year since 1895, the average over these four years being 274mm. In the same month he was declared insolvent, with debts of ₤852 and assets of ₤7344. He was discharged from insolvency at the end of August45. In January 1901 he acquired a block at Reedy Dam, about 25km north-east of Norwegian (Lot 14 Parish Ballapur)46. His son Richard Edgar had been farming nearby lot 11 since 1895 (see chapter about Richard Edgar below). The rainfall at the nearest weather station (Birchip) was 37% below average in 1901 and a disastrous 56% below in 1902. This was a year of dust storms, when farmers struggled to keep their horses alive and the only water supply in most of the Mallee was from government trains.
Letter from Richard Edgar relating to his father’s land, mistakenly dated 10 years earlier
In October 1902 Richard transferred lot 14 to his son Charles Clement, stating that he was “unable to work the land”. At that time Richard was about 66 years old and Charles had just turned 20. A letter from Richard Edgar in March 1903 attempting to speed up this transfer says, “The block formerly belonged to my father and unless (the transfer) is completed soon I may lose it”.
Why was this transfer necessary, let alone urgent? One possibility is that Richard senior was living with one of his sons or daughters elsewhere, which means the residency condition of the lease would be violated. However he remained on the electoral roll at Reedy Dam until 1906. On the 1903 roll only Charles Clement and Richard Edgar are at Reedy Dam. In fact the other brothers don’t seem to have been enrolled anywhere in the whole country, unless they were in South Australia for which the rolls are not available – however Albert reappears on the roll at Reedy Dam in 1905 and 1906. Probably Reginald and perhaps Sydney were still there in 1903 as well.
Richard Edgar's Lot 11 at Reedy Dam was sold in March 1908, and lot 14 in August 1909. However most or all of the brothers had acquired land elsewhere by then: Reginald in 1904, Richard and Albert in 1906, Charles certainly by 1908. Exactly when Sydney moved is not known. All the brothers bought land in Victoria initially except Sydney who may have moved straight to NSW.
In 1909 (judging by the electoral roll) Henry, Sydney, Charles and Reginald were living at Methul, north of Wagga Wagga in NSW. Richard died there in July 1911 and was buried at nearby Rannock.
Since Richard owned four different farms and went bankrupt twice, the question arises, was he a bad farmer or is there another explanation?
By the time he moved to Victoria the yield on Richards land in South Australia would have been much reduced. The major market was for wheat, and continuous wheat growing “wore out” the soil. Most farmers would give the land a rest after a few years of cropping – the statistics show that between 1860 and 1890 on average one fifth of South Australian crop land was fallow47 – but this would only restore nitrogen to the extent that there were nitrogen fixing weeds growing on it, and would do little to restore other nutrients, although there would be other benefits. In any case the method could not be used on recently Mullenized Mallee, as the Mallee trees which were not yet dead would get a chance to grow back.
Rotating with a legume crop such as peas or beans would have restored nitrogen, but even if there was a market for these they could not be harvested with the stripper. A way of restoring soil nitrogen which had been in common use in England, including Cornwall, was to plant a mixture of grass and red clover, which is a nitrogen fixer. This would be cut for hay and grazed for a few years, know as a ley. Red clover was not suitable for the South Australian climate, and suitable substitutes (Subterranean Clover and various species of Medic) were not proven until years later. (Of course there were many species of Nitrogen fixing plant growing on the land before it was cleared, but most if not all were shrubs or trees.) Another reason why ley farming was not attractive was that there was still plenty of crown land available where livestock could be grazed cheaply on native vegetation, making livestock production on sown pasture unprofitable.
Since livestock was not kept in barns there was no source of manure. In Cornwall both seaweed and ”sea sand” were used as fertiliser, being carried up to 15 miles from the coast48, but this would be quite labour intensive and I have not found any mention of it having been done in Australia (thank goodness).
In South Australia the nutrient which first caused the yield to decline would generally have been phosphorus rather than nitrogen. Guano had been imported to England to make superphosphate starting in 184249. It can be ground up and used as a fertiliser directly, but much lower volumes are needed if it is first made into “super”. To be most cost effective super must be placed close to the plant roots, which requires sowing with a drill rather than broadcasting. Both lack of drills and the high cost of superphosphate discouraged it’s use.
However, most writers have concluded that the major problem preventing the earlier adoption for fertiliser was attitude. The farmers believed that virgin soil gave a higher yield than could ever be achieved by fertilising. It was not until the 1880s that experiments at Roseworthy College showed that application of super phosphate could not only restore the yield but increase it above what it was from virgin soil – in other words, South Australian soil was deficient in phosphorus to begin with. (Of course it was a long time after that before most farmers were convinced.)
This attitude led to practice known as “frontier farming”. Grow wheat continuously until the yield drops too much, then find new land to cultivate. If there was no land left in the district, then someone would have to move, selling their land to one of the other farmers who would then be able to crop a larger area (making up for the lower yield) or leave more of the land idle. It would most likely be those most deeply in debt, like Richard, who would sell up.
If we define a “good” farmer as one who maximises his income while maintaining the value of his land, then Richard Triplett was probably not a good farmer – but neither were most of the others! (They became even worse farmers in the early 1900s, because even though they may have started to use superphosphate they also adopted the practice of bare fallowing, which can increase yields in the short term but in low rainfall country is a sure recipe for having your topsoil blow away.)
This does not explain why some farmers, such as William Harris, were able to farm in the same place all their lives and pass the land on to their sons. (Not that passing the land on to one’s sons is much help to them when one is inconsiderate enough to have 8 of them.) One factor is the extent to which the farmer is able to use his equipment and labour to generate off-farm income. While Richard had at least one road making contract, the opportunities for carting work may have been fewer at Kalkabury than they were at Tothills Creek. Another way farmers had of making ends meet was to utilise unpaid family labour to be self sufficient in meat, eggs, dairy and vegetables – or even to sell such produce. We know from the clearing sale that Richard kept a few cows and pigs, but no fowls. Perhaps the major factor is the amount of starting capital, and hence the initial level of debt. We don’t know enough about these factors to draw any firm conclusions.
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copyright © Jeffrey E. Triplett
1 South Australian Register (Adelaide, SA 1839 - 1900), Saturday 7 April 1849, page 4
2 Several authors have stated that the Strangeways Act offered interest free credit. E.g. Meinig in “On the margins of the good earth”, p.26 writes “the successful bidder need pay only 20% initially and the balance at the end of 4 years”. The act is quite unambiguous so Meinig did not read it although he referenced it.
3 Bowes, K. R.; Land settlement in South Australia 1857-1890, page 172.
4 Proceedings of the Parliament of South Australia,1871 Vol. II., document number 66 “Survey of Land 1870-71”, page 4
5 South Australian Government Gazette 1872 p 779
6 South Australian Government Gazette 1872 p 1131
7 The South Australian Advertiser Monday 20 April 1874, page 3
8 The South Australian Advertiser Tuesday 15 April 1879
9 Salt Winds Across Barley Plains, Beryl Neumann, p. 15
10 The South Australian Advertiser Thursday 3 September 1874, page 3
11 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 44.
12 The South Australian Advertiser, Tuesday 28 July 1874, page 3
13 South Australian Register Tuesday 9 September 1873, page 6
14 South Australian Register, Friday 12 January 1877, page 6
15 South Australian Register Thursday 3 April 1879, page 4
16 Actually at Beulah, Victoria (photo from Museum Victoria)
17 The Wallaroo Times and Mining Journal Wednesday 9 April 1879, page 3
18 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 20
19 South Australian Register Tuesday 9 June 1874, page 6
20 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 8
21 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 20, 29
22 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 29
23 Kalkabury became Arthurton. P. H. Colliver & T. M. Thomson, page 54
24 Ross; Scrub Land Cultivation in South Australia
25 South Australian Register, 2nd September 1878
26 Richards; The Flinders History of South Australia – Social History, p. 531
27 The Australian Wheat Growing Industry, Dunsdorf, p. 156
28 Ross; Scrub Land Cultivation in South Australia
29 South Australian Government Gazette 1880 page 138
30 South Australian Government Gazette 1880 page 2095
31 Richards; The Flinders History of South Australia – Social History, , p518
32 South Australian Land Acts 1869-1865, G. L. Buxton 1966, p68
33 Wallaroo Times Saturday 3 March 1888, page 4
33b Information from Agery school roll book courtesy of Rosemary Browning.
34 South Australian Register, 28th Mar 1885
35 South Australian Register, 17th Mar 1887, page 4
36 Wallaroo Times Saturday 3 March 1888, page 4
37 South Australian Chronicle, Saturday 15 November 1890, page 24
38 Victorian Public Records Office VPRS 5357/P0/2322- 25
39 Victorian Public Records Office VPRS 5357/P0/2052-4
40 Kenyon; The Story of the Mallee, Victorian Historical Magazine Vol. IV, p 179
41 Hofmaier; Mallee Memories: Some Folk History of Beulah and district, page 31. See also “Sketch Map of Brim Run on the Yarriambiack Creek showing Outstations and Aboriginal Names 1870” in Hofmaier; Brimful of Memories: some folk and oral history of Brim and district, Victoria
42 Priestley, Susan; Warracknabeal, page 52.
43 Report of the Victorian Railways Commissioner for the year ended 30th June 1900
44 Victorian Government Gazette, 1900 page 1019 and The Argus (Melbourne) 19 March 1900 p. 5. The latter refers to Henry Triplett of Galaquil but this must surely be a mistake as Henry lived elsewhere.
45 Victorian Government Gazette, 1900 page 2960.
46 Victorian Public Records Office VPRS 5357/P0/2886
47 Australian Agriculture, its History and Challenges, Ted Henzel 2007, p82
48 Worgan, G. B., General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cornwall, p125
49 Henzel; Australian Agriculture, its History and Challenges, p. 5