Egbert was born
sometime between AD
770 and 775, different sources giving different dates, the most
probable date
being 775. He was the son of Ealhmund (born about 758 in Wessex)
and his wife the queen of Kent,
whose name or dates are not known. Because of his parent’s position in Kent,
and his father’s family in Wessex,
Egbert’s birth could have been in either place, but Kent
is the more likely.
It is highly
probable that Egbert of Wessex
was named after his ancestor on the mother’s side, the Kentish side. He
united
the claims of the Kentish and West Saxon houses and this was
illustrated with
his name. The Wessex
kingship had left Egbert’s family when Ine was succeeded by his kinsman
Aethelheard. Egbert had one sister named Alburga. Whether
she was an older or a younger sibling
is unknown. Alburga married Earl Wulstan of Wiltshire, later to join a
convent,
become abbess, and after her death was named a saint. (More about
Alburga in Important
People to King Egbert.)
This was a noble
family, residing
in a timbered manor house with servants, household retainers and
peasants to
work the land. Though the family lived well, the times were not easy,
and his
father knew the many pressures of leadership in Kent.
Egbert’s family, particularly his father Ealhmund, had been
instrumental
in helping Kent
regain some if its independence from Mercia.
Kent
had been
controlled by Mercia
since 764, and was divided among several kings, vassals to Mercia.
But in 775, a Kentish rebellion restored Kent
as an independent kingdom in all but name. The likelihood that Offa
lost real
control of Kent from 776 to 786 is suggested by several charters; one in 784 in which Ealhmund was able to make a
grant of land to Reculver, a monastery in Kent, and another to Christ
Church in
Canterbury, without getting Offa’s consent. Offa would not have allowed
Ealhmund to make this grant if he could have stop him.
In 786, Ealhmund
died, and Offa
immediately took possession of lands which had been granted to the
monastery of Christ Church
at Canterbury. Offa
apparently
regarded the Kentish king as his minister and felt entitled to annul
the grants
Ealhmund had made. A note by Archbishop Aethelheard refers to “the
rapacity of
a certain king,” and a charter of Archbishop Wulfred says that Offa
acted, “as
if Ealhmund had no right to bestow lands in hereditary right”–the
implication
being that Ealhmund did have that right. Offa and Ealhmund were
obviously not
on the friendliest of terms.
Offa was a king
who had acquired a
reputation as a brutal and merciless overlord. He sharply limited the
liberty
and independence of the subkingdoms he controlled. There were men who
thought
Offa’s methods self-defeating; who thought that the power of Mercia
waned because it was built upon blood, and who desired a political
power more
human and more generous, with greater respect for the liberty and
personality
of its subjects. Kent
had to be an indispensable part in the thoughts of any statesmen whose
goal was
supremacy in England.
It was the direct door to the continental trade, and was the location
from
which England
had first been conquered. No conquest of England
could last without Kent.
Even when the first Vikings were
raiding Lindisfarne, and while men were
wondering
what these new
developments might mean, Ealhmund in Kent
died, leaving his son Egbert to succeed him.
The year 786 was
an important one
in Egbert’s life. Ealhmund’s death must have been hard on Egbert
considering he
was only eleven years old. The king of Wessex,
Cynewulf, was killed because of an internal feud, leaving the throne
vacant, that
same year. This left the kingdom
of Wessex
in a politically unstable condition and, with his background, Egbert
had a
claim for it also. It was only natural for Egbert to try to succeed his
father
in Kent.
All
the efforts of the Mercians to suppress the independence of Kent
only pushed the claims of the Kentish crown more effectively into the
hands of
Ealhmund’s son Egbert. It is very
possible that Egbert himself may have reigned for a short time as his
father’s
successor. But Offa soon took over full control of the government of Kent.
There would not be another known underking of Kent
until Offa’s death in 796.
The empty crown
of Wessex
was claimed for Egbert by his family because he was denied the Kentish
crown.
Since there was no certain law of succession Egbert
was challenged in the competition for the crown of Wessex
by a distant relative by the name of Beorhtric. At age eleven, Egbert
was
well-known and well regarded by the people of Wessex
as a boy of valor and good character, and a prince of the royal blood
who could
trace his descent back to the brother of Ine. Nevertheless, in his
struggle
against Beorhtric for the crown of Wessex,
Egbert had two great disadvantages, his extreme youth, and
the fact that his rival Beorhtric secured the
support and endorsement of Offa. Offa supported Beorhtric
over Egbert because he thought Beorhtric would
be a better
vassal and because Egbert was the son of Ealhmund who had not pleased
Offa in
the way he reigned in Kent.
He might also have feared that the accession of Egbert to the Wessex
throne would pose a threat to Mercia’s
control of Kent.
So it seems that even Offa respected Egbert’s intelligence,
independence, and
potential at a young age.
Relations between
Beorhtric and
Egbert were never to be good because of the competition for Wessex’s kingship. Even after his coronation as king
of Wessex,
Beorhtric continued to view Egbert as a threat to his crown. All
efforts at
reconciliation failed, because of Beorhtric’s feelings of suspicion and
personal jealousy. Soon it became known that Beorhtric was plotting to
have him
killed. Egbert, warned of Beorhtric’s intentions to have him
assassinated,
found himself forced to flee Wessex in 786. He then took refuge at the
court of
Offa in Mercia. Egbert now lived as an exile at a foreign court where
he
probably
was used by Offa to influence Beorhtric to stay in line with Offa’s
wishes.
Egbert’s Stone,
or Ecgbryhtesstan,
was described as being to the east of Selwood, near the high ground
(Penselwood) and
the borders of three shires, Somerset,
Wiltshire and Dorset. From the roadways today
it would
be about six miles west of Willoughby Hedge. Legend has it that this
was the
place where Egbert, before being driven out of Wessex
by Beorhtric, was anointed and swore a great oath to return and one day
claim
his kingship. Egbert had
good reason for
believing that one day he would return to wear a crown. Several of his
ancestors
were
also at some time exiles, but returned to occupy the throne of Wessex.
(More about Egbert's Stone in Important
Places to King Egbert.)
Since Offa was
largely responsible
for Beorhtric succeeding to the crown of Wessex,
he could threaten to remove Beorhtric and replace him with Egbert if
Beorhtric
did not follow Offa’s wishes. Offa did not like Egbert, but that did
not stop
him from using him as a political threat against Beorhtric. Egbert had
now
reached the lowest point in his life that he would ever face. Both of
his
parents were dead, his family had failed to have him retain the
kingship of Kent
or to gain the crown of Wessex.
Egbert must have endured enormous emotional stress and strain at this
time in
his life. The fact that he dealt with it successfully suggests the
fortitude
and determination that this young boy must have possessed.
Beorhtric could
not rest easily on
his throne while Egbert was alive. As long as Egbert lived, he
represented a
threat and Beorhtric was determined to remove him. Assassins hired by
Beorhtric
began searching for Egbert throughout Offa’s realm and Egbert’s life
was in
constant danger. When his would-be assassins were unable to find where
Egbert
was hidden, Beorhtric sent messengers to Offa demanding that Egbert be
surrendered to him. Along with his demands, Beorhtric offered Offa a
dynastic
alliance by asking to marry his daughter, Eadburh, and promising to pay
him a
large sum of money when he returned Egbert to Wessex.
Offa accepted Beorhtric’s offer of marriage with his daughter in 789,
but
refused to surrender Egbert. He did, however, agree to stop protecting
Egbert
while he was in Mercia.
Offa joined Beorhtric in driving Egbert out of England.
The consequences of this alliance for Egbert were almost immediate.
How Egbert
arranged his escape and
traveled from England
to Charlemagne’s realm is not known. He had many allies in Wessex
and Kent
who
would have aided him. Kent
was the most likely area of departure. Charlemagne would have known the
benefits of befriending Egbert with his royal claims in England.
Nothing political happened in Frankland without Charlemagne’s knowledge and influence. An English royal
exile
did not arrive or leave without his knowledge. It was a standard policy
of
Charlemagne to harbor exiles of royal blood. Soon after Egbert reached
Charlemagne’s court at Aachen,
he found
other English exiles there besides himself. Charlemagne personally
welcomed
Egbert, and gave him permission to stay as long as he liked. Egbert was
entrusted with important
duties by Charlemagne. He
learned his lessons well, became useful to the Frankish court, and did
it
honorably.
It is an
important aspect of
Egbert’s character that he did not allow himself to be overwhelmed by
the early
misfortune of his life. He used the situation to his own advantage to
prepare
himself for the future. Egbert studied hard to learn the art of
government from
the Franks. He could not have had better teachers, for the Frankish
state led
all the other kingdoms in Western Europe in
matters of
military capability and diplomacy. Charlemagne had learned to read and
write,
though to what extent is not known. He recognized it as a desirable
skill and
encouraged others to learn. Whether Egbert took advantage of this is
not known, but likely.
The date of
Egbert’s exile from England
and its duration are uncertain. According to early sources Egbert’s
exile in
the Carolingian Empire lasted only three years, presumably from 789
until 792.
Since Egbert’s reign as king of Wessex
definitely did not begin until 802, where would he have spent the
remaining ten
years and for what purpose? Many historians believe that a clerical
error
occurred in the original manuscript of the Chronicles, and that an “x”
was
mistakenly deleted from the original “iii”, with almost all later
scribes and
clerics copying the error. William of Malmesbury, a twelfth-century
historian,
who used a version of the Chronicle that was not preserved, wrote that
Egbert’s
exile in Frankland was thirteen years. Some believe he returned to be
the
vassal king of Kent
during that time, but there does not appear to be much to substantiate
the
claim. In about 795 Egbert married Charlemagne’s sister (or
sister-in-law),
Redburga, and had his first son in 796. Egbert probably would have
remained in
exile with Charlemagne until both Offa and Beorhtric were dead (Offa
died in
796, Beorhtric in 802), when he could safely and without serious
opposition
claim the throne of Wessex.
Therefore, when Egbert became king of Wessex
in 802, it was presumably after continuous residence in the Frankland
from 789
until 802.
His subsequent
career as king
suggests that he had learned the arts of government and war quite well
while
staying at the court of Charlemagne. Egbert was only fourteen years old
when he
took refuge with the Frankish king, thirteen years would be ample time
for a
young man to learn and absorb the successful techniques that enabled
Charlemagne
to build and maintain the Frankish Empire. Egbert’s success in Wessex
can in large part be credited to the training that Egbert received from
Charlemagne. Egbert was in his formative years when he arrived and
would have
known he had a lot to learn in order to rule a kingdom wisely. His
example of
good leadership skills was his benefactor, Charlemagne.
To understand how
much influence
Charlemagne had on Egbert, and what kind of influence that would have
been,
information about Charlemagne and his court must be understood. A man
of
Charlemagne’s accomplishments and power, as well as his personal
characteristics would demand attention by all around him.
He was a forward thinker with the energy and
ability to carry out his innovations. The strength of Charlemagne's
personality
was rooted in his conviction of divine will. He was able to combine a
religious
piety with enjoyment of life. He had rough manners while striving for
intellectual growth, and had forceful determination fighting his
enemies while
desiring peace in his realm.
Physically,
Charlemagne was large, strong and tall, with a round head, large eyes,
a somewhat long
nose, fair
hair, a laughing and merry face, a thick neck, and prominent belly. He
was
stately and dignified, whether standing or sitting. His gait was firm,
and his
voice clear. His health was excellent, except during the four years
preceding
his death. Even then he did things his way rather than take the advice
of
physicians. He took frequent exercise on horseback and in the chase, as
was the
national custom. He often practiced swimming, and was very good at it.
He would
invite not only his sons to his bath, but his nobles and friends, so
that a
hundred or more persons sometimes bathed with him.
Charlemagne was
temperate in eating
and drinking. He hated drunkenness in anybody, but he found it hard to
abstain
from food. He gave entertainments only on great feast-days, and then to
large
numbers of people. His meals ordinarily consisted of four courses, not
counting
the roast, which his huntsmen used to bring in on the spit. While
eating he
listened to reading or music. In summer after the midday
meal, he would rest for two or three hours, but was in the habit of
rising from
bed four or five times during the night. While he was dressing and
putting on
his shoes, he not only gave audience to his friends but, if his
judgment was
necessary, he had the parties brought before him even then and gave
his
decision.
Charlemagne was a
reformer who
tried to improve his people's lives in many ways. He set up money
standards to
encourage commerce, urged better farming methods, and spread education
and
Christianity in every class of people. He believed that government
should be
for the benefit of the governed. When he came to the throne, the nobles
had
become lax and oppressive. His investigators rode to all parts of the
realm,
inspecting government, administering justice, and making all citizens
aware of
their civil and religious duties. In all problems Charlemagne was the
final
arbiter, even in church issues, and he largely unified church and state.
He studied
foreign languages and
was a master of Latin. He was considered an eloquent speaker. He avidly
encouraged the liberal arts and held those who taught them in great
esteem. He
took lessons in grammar from deacon Peter of Pisa. Another deacon,
Alcuin, a
Saxon, who was the greatest scholar of the day, was his teacher in
other
branches of learning. The King studied rhetoric, dialectics, and
astronomy. He was
able to write, and used to keep writing materials in bed under his
pillow, to
be always handy. Charlemagne had monks sent from Rome
to train his singers in order to revive church music. He restored some
appreciation of art by having valuable pieces brought from Italy.
The plan that he
adopted for his
children's education was to have both boys and girls instructed in the
liberal
arts. He set up schools, opening them to peasant boys as well as
nobles. When
old enough, following the custom, the boys had to learn horsemanship,
and to
practice war and the chase, and the girls to learn cloth-making, and
sewing,
and he expected a high moral standard from them. Charlemagne had an
intense Christian
ethic. He worked toward Church reform, and made a major effort to raise
the
level and scope of education.
The key to
Charlemagne's amazing
conquests was his ability to organize. During his reign he sent out
more than
fifty military expeditions, riding as commander of at least half of
them. He
quickly moved his armies over wide areas, but every move was planned in
advance. Before a campaign he told his leaders how many men they should
bring,
what arms they were to carry, and even what to load in the supply
wagons. A
large area of land that was composed of small formerly independent
tribal
groups, such as the Frisians, the Jutes, the Thuringians, the Alemani,
the
Saxons, the Lombards, and others was conquered.
These
different groups seemed constantly involved in warfare. Charlemagne had
beaten
down the resistance of the old Saxons, suppressed their independence,
and
secured it by transporting several thousand families into Neustria,
on the coast of the Channel, where he settled them.
During the time
Egbert lived in
exile Alcuin directed the renowned palace school, teaching all the
liberal arts
that made up medieval education. Egbert had the opportunity to study
both Latin
and Greek, as well as the elements of logic. Perhaps the skills of
writing and
reading were included in his studies. As William of Malmesbury stated,
Egbert
used the time to “rub off the rust of indolence, to quicken the energy
of his
mind, and to adopt foreign customs, far differing from his native
barbarism.”
In later years Egbert exhibited many of the traits known of Charlemagne
in the way the shires and courts were organized, the way battles were
fought, the education for his children, his lifestyle, to name a few.
The influence of
the Frankish court
on the dynasty of Egbert’s house is clear enough. An intelligent
observer, and
Egbert was intelligent, could not have lived thirteen years in the
center of
knowledge and ambition without learning many skills. Through all that
he did
during his reign there was a consistent purpose of political
consolidation.
Charlemagne showed the advantages of a large political state ruled with
strictness and diplomacy, over a group of small independent warlords.
The
advantages were in wealth, in dignity, and in the intelligence,
learning, and the
social stability they helped to create. There were many ways in which
the
Frankish influence manifested itself in England.
It was with Egbert that it began.
During Egbert’s
exile the Franks
had extended their rule and turned back the Moorish attempts to conquer
Gaul
and Italy,
successfully defended Europe against the
invasions of
the Avars, and made a effective frontier against the Slavs. The Frankish
Court had become the center of Western
Europe, with the political, religious, military and
artistic traditions
developing and spreading from there. Charlemagne was very nearly the
ideal of
an old northern king. He was strong, skillful, and able; a sportsman, a
soldier, but not a saint; a keen judge of character, a hearty eater,
and a
student of the liberal arts. His intellectual ability was as notable as
his
physical strength. He was the pattern on which ambitious kings modeled
themselves. This was the man to whom Egbert of Wessex had fled, and
where he
spent some of the most impressionable years of his life.
It must have been
an extraordinary
experience to live in a place where regularly all the news of Italy,
Spain,
Gaul, central Europe, and the North was received, compared to England
with its
regional conflicts and narrow vision. There was a sense of the
largeness and
unity in the world, and it was a place which communicated with the
emperor at Constantinople,
the patriarch at Jerusalem,
and the
caliph at Bagdad. Charlemagne intervened in
British
affairs, and was in communication with Offa of Mercia, exerted
diplomatic
pressure on the rulers in England,
and was in touch with Ireland.
Charlemagne certainly recognized that for him to control the lands of
the Rhine
he must have Britain
on his side. An alliance with Egbert would therefore benefit
Charlemagne and,
as farsighted as Charlemagne was said to have been, this would be
confirmation
that Egbert was sure to have had the best of opportunities during his
stay at Aachen.
Egbert would have
taken a personal
interest in matters of state. He knew of the traditions that the Saxons
of
England
were descended from the old Saxons on the Continent. The conquest of
his
kinsmen was recent, and it was famous. He may have recognized the
similarity
with the situation in England.
To Egbert, it had to be obvious that Charlemagne was creating an empire
which
would stretch across all of Western Europe.
When Egbert
became king he too set out to make all the neighboring petty kingdoms
subject
to his overlordship.
Egbert served in
Charlemagne’s
armies, gaining valuable combat experience as well as learning battle
strategy
and tactics. It is not known when he served, or what campaigns he
participated
in, but it was probably the wars against the Avars (791-796), when
Egbert would
have been between sixteen and twenty-one years old. He became familiar
with
military tactics and strategy that were unknown in his homeland. It is
probable
that Egbert learned to ride and use a bow. Anglo-Saxon warfare was
mainly
composed of infantry actions involving the use of the fyrd. Archery was
used in England,
but their
main weapons were the spear and sword. The Avars were wild, fierce
warriors
who fought from horseback and used the bow as their main weapon.
Charlemagne
used the Lombards, who were the finest cavalry in Western
Europe,
against the Avars. The superiority of well-armed men fighting from
horseback
over a slow-moving infantry force with inferior arms, would have been
obvious to Egbert.
Offa died in 796,
when Egbert was
twenty-one and had been in exile for seven years. Offa’s son became
king for a
few months, and died also. The next Mercian king, Cenwulf, did not have
the
prestige of Offa, but had the energy and ability to maintain Mercian
supremacy
in Southern England, though there was a problem
for him
in Kent.
Eadbert Pryn, who was the brother of Aethelbert II, king of Kent
from 748-762, decided to make a claim to the Kentish throne. It is very
likely
that Egbert, his kinsman by marriage, sympathized because, as a West
Saxon and
as a Kentishman, Egbert would be glad to see Mercia
weakened.
Eadbert, whose
nickname was Pryn, “the
Pin,” proclaimed himself king, and maintained his independence for two
years, 796-798.
He was a dissolute monk and a member of the old Kentish royal house
forced into
a monastery by Offa. After he had reigned two summers Cenwulf attacked
him with
an overwhelming force. Cenwulf had apparently been hindered from
claiming Kent
at an earlier date by a rising of the North Welsh against him. When
Cenwulf
appeared all of Kent
suffered, and Eadbert himself was taken prisoner, after remaining for
some time
in hiding. Cenwulf put out Eadbert’s eyes and cut off his hands, an
atrocity
almost unequaled in English history. The mutilation was a chastisement
for a
cleric and an acknowledgment of the fact that, because he had been a
member of
the clergy, his life at least was sacred. The end of Eadbert Pryn as
king meant
that the hereditary claims of Kent
had now passed to Egbert. Since Eadbert also became an exile at Aachen
they probably made contact with each other while they were both there.
What conversations
they had or what information may have been exchanged can only be
guessed.
Egbert did not
choose to return to Wessex
at the death of Offa in 796, nor did he wish to go to Kent
at that time. He certainly had just as good a claim to the Kentish
crown as
Eadbert did, but he chose to remain with Charlemagne. Even though there
was a
strong party of nobles in Wessex
who were eager for Egbert to return home, Beorhtric was still reigning
as king
there in 796, and any attempt to overthrow him would have surely
resulted in
civil war. It is also possible that Charlemagne advised against it,
offering to
support Egbert’s claim to the throne of Wessex
when it became vacant. Until that time, Egbert remained with the
Frankish
monarch. No opposition seems to have been offered to his accession by
Cenwulf
of Mercia later in 802, and it could be that his acceptance of Egbert
was
because of Charlemagne’s influence.
Egbert did start
a family between
795 and 806. He chose Redburga, Charlemagne’s sister (or perhaps
sister-in-law),
to become his wife around 795. It was a good match politically for
Egbert and
Charlemagne. The marriage could have been contracted by the families
when they
were children. Their first child was a boy whom they named Aethelwulf,
born
about 796. It can be assumed that their marriage and the birth of their
first
child took place in Aachen
with
much fanfare. There were at least two other children, Editha and
Athelstan, who
were both born before 806.
Egbert called his
son “Aethelwulf,”
which is not an especially West Saxon name. Aethelwulf called his sons
by the
names of Aethelstan, Aethelbald, Aethelbert, Aethelred, and Alfred (or
Aethelfrith). Of these names, Aethelbert is unmistakably Kentish, and
is a
reminiscent not only of the great Aethelbert who received Augustine and
his
companions, but of the other King Aethelbert who died in 760. The whole
West
Saxon family after Ealhmund felt themselves to be, in part at least,
Kentish.
Aethelwulf showed signs of having felt himself more a Kentish than a
West Saxon
king.
Aethelstan, who
became the vassal
king of Kent,
died in 850, and was the second son of Egbert and Redburga.
“Aethelstan” is a
curious name. “Aethel” implies origin from a privileged caste, and
“adel” means
high born, gentel, or noble. “Aeithelbald,” “Aethelbert,”
“Aethelred,” and “Aethelfrith” is
understandable for the courage, or the glory, or the counsel, or the
peace of
the high-born. “Stan,” however, refers to stone, which seems to refer
to the
Crowning Stone at Kingston.
Editha was their
daughter, and
probably their youngest child. She became Abbess of Polesworth Abbey,
died
there in 871, and was later named a saint. There is more information
about King
Egbert’s children in the section Important People
to King Egbert.
King Beorhtric of
Wessex
was accidentally poisoned by his wife Eadburh in 802. Apparently she
was a
woman of great cruelty and much hatred. She was accused of causing the
death of
whomever she thought was a threat to her ambitions. Poison was supposed
to be a
favorite method of Eadburh for removing anyone who had become
obnoxious. In the
case of Beorhtric’s death, she had mixed a cup of poison for a young
nobleman
who had her husband’s friendship and had therefore become the object of
her
jealousy. However, it was Beorhtric himself who drank from the cup and
soon
died. Eadburh was forced to seek refuge at the court of Charlemagne
when
Beorhtric’s death was known. Before leaving, however, she looted the
treasury
of the kingdom, carrying away gold, silver, and precious jewels.
Egbert was
recalled home by the nobility of Wessex
and elected king by the witan without any internal opposition.
Information
about Egbert’s return journey has not been saved. There were surely
mixed
feeling about the future for Egbert and his young family. Life at Aachen
must have been relatively comfortable and safe. The journey to England
and the stress of events yet to come
must have given him some great concerns. He was a determined,
independent-minded, intelligent individual with great goals for the
future. The
problems Egbert would face would not deterred him. He made a promise to
return,
and was to fulfill it with greatness.
Egbert’s crowning
took place in
February, 802 when he was about twenty-seven years old. The kingdom
of Wessex when Egbert came
to the
throne was situated in the south and west of England,
and consisted of the land which became the shires of Somerset,
Dorset, Devon,
Wiltshire and
Hampshire. Wessex
in 802 did not display a great deal of unity or strength, because of
the
dominance of Mercia.
At his crowning, like Beorhtric, Egbert acknowledged the king of Mercia
as his overlord. The effects of the death of Beorhtric still bothered
the
people of Wessex
and caused morale to be low. When Egbert returned he found the royal
treasury
at Winchester to be
nearly, if not
completely, empty and the population greatly upset by Eadburh’s
actions. (More information in Important
Places to King Egbert.)
The history of Europe
has consisted largely of the results produced by the interaction of the
southern civilization centered round the Mediterranean
with the northern civilization centered round the Baltic. European
history
might easily be written in terms of a struggle for possession of the Rhine
frontier. Whether studying written history or the findings of
archeologists, events
are still best explained according to whether the Rhine
is under the control of northern or southern powers. The geographical
relation
that gives special importance to Britain
is that the British Isles are an island
extension of the Rhine frontier. The struggle
for the Rhine
has a way of becoming a struggle for either the possession or the
alliance of Britain.
The attitude of Britain
had been a decisive influence upon the course of events in Continental
Europe.
There are grounds
for suspecting
that the Frankish kings were the men who arranged and financed the
Anglo-Saxon
conquest of Britain.
The speed and permanence of the conquest of Gaul
by the
Franks, once Britain
was in English hands was noticeable. The Franks pointed out to them the
direction in which their interests lay. They proceeded to confirm their
hold
upon Gaul by adopting the Catholic faith. They
had a
great deal too much at stake to permit themselves to be indifferent to
the
views of the English. But the work of Charlemagne was marked by a
reaction against
it. The ruthless ferocity used by Charlemagne to crush the Saxons was
an
irritant rather than a warning to the Vikings who regarded the Saxons
with
favor. This led to a series of great wars which extended over almost
the whole
European continent. They were of crucial importance, and the Northmen’s
aim was
a heathen re-conquest of Europe.
The Viking fleets
caught the south
by surprise. They reached their full force about the time when their
use was
provoked. Their sea-going ship was evolved first in the English
Channel by men who had seen the Mediterranean galley, and
who
improved it into a vessel more suitable to the northern seas. The men
of the
north were quick to learn. Cheapness of construction, low working cost,
and
mechanical efficiency went hand in hand. By the fifth century the
construction
of a ship which was no longer a galley with auxiliary sails, but a true
sailing
ship with auxiliary oars was built. This change was crucial; and this
was the
age of the English conquest of Britain
and the moving of great fleets and large bodies of men across the sea.
Although the
sea-going ship had
been created, the deep-sea sailor had not yet been trained. Three
centuries
passed before the northern seamen were ready. By then there was
improvement in
the details of the sailing ship, and growing experience of navigators.
Then the
Vikings saw the advent of real fighting fleets which could range across
the
open sea, circumnavigate the British Isles,
reach the Mediterranean, Iceland,
and Greenland,
and carry men with certainty to an indicated place. The “wicking” age
is the
age of the deep-sea ship. When the first Viking raid fell upon
Lindesfarne, men
were stunned. To improvise an answer to their threat was hard. Ships
could be
built; but neither the seamen nor the sea-going experience could be
created to
order. When his time came, Egbert probably saw little hope of trying to
match
their naval abilities and chose not to have his own navy, deciding
instead to
defend against them on land.
The issue which
was joined between
the two antagonists was therefore whether the military ingenuity of the
north
could break the political organization of the south, or whether the
south could
hold itself intact. It would only a question of time before the
political ideas
of the south so absorbed and transformed the north as to change the
relationship between them. This would abolish the profound differences
which
were the basis of their antagonism, and give them a common ground of
mutual
interest and sympathy.
All great wars
have a natural
tendency to become wars of exhaustion. A good deal would depend upon
the extent
to which the political civilization of southern Europe
could, by its superior productivity, outlast the resources of the still
semi-tribal north. The contest opened at a time when the south had, for
the
moment, shot its bolt. When Charles died in 814 the Frankish empire
would never
again to be so powerful or so united. The north came fresh to the
struggle, and
its power was rising in a curve which had not yet reached its maximum.
|
Offa as seen in early manuscript
Egbert's Stone, perhaps
Frankish Court
Charlemagne
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