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The Floyer Reunion held at
Wadham College, Oxford on August 24th and 25th, 2002 was
a smashing success, with approximately 40 people in
attendance. Denis Gibbs presented a talk on Sir John
Floyer of Hints, Staffordshire, Tim Sandberg presented a
talk on Internet genealogy research, and Nick Floyer
presented a talk on Heraldry and the quarterings of the
Floyer Arms. Excellent meals were enjoyed, pleasant
company was shared, and a good time was had by all amid
the ambience of Wadham College. We thank Jenny Floyer
very much for all her work in organizing the event.
INTRODUCTION
ORIGIN OF
THE NAME
EARLY
HISTORY
THE
EARLY CHARTERS
THE
FLOYER COAT OF ARMS
INTRODUCTION
THE
FLOYERS, an ancient Saxon family from Devonshire,
while never very distinguished, have a well documented
history longer than most, being one of only a handful of
families who can trace their ancestry in the direct male
line back to pre-Norman times. In later generations it
comprises in the main men of the church, with a large
number of barristers and a sprinkling of medical men.
The
fullness and continuity of the record are attributable in
large measure to:
The connection with the
Wadham family - (Anthony d. 1608 married Anne,
daughter of Margaret Martyn, the sister and
co-heir of Nicholas Wadham, the founder of Wadham
college) which relationship entitled Floyer
family members to claim 'founders kin' status at
Wadham. In order to do so, pedigrees showing the
relationship were required to be registered with
the College of Arms. These provide a largely
independent source of genealogy.
The marriage of Anthony
Floyer (d. 1671), son of the Anthony above
mentioned to Eleanor, the daughter of Sir William
Pole the noted Devon Historian and antiquary who
transcribed many of the Floyer family deeds
relating to their five-century-long uninterrupted
residence at Floyers Hayes.
Prince's 'Worthies of Devon'
by John Prince (b. 1643 d. 1723) pub. 1710 which
gives an account of the family from earliest
times up to Anthony Floyer (of Exeter College,
Oxford) who died in 1701. Prince acknowledges the
works of Sir William Pole as the source of much
of his material.
The genealogical tastes of
John Gould Floyer (d. 1841) and his son Ayscoghe
(d. 1872) and more recently, to the Rev. John
Kestell Floyer (d. 1936).
The
account herein has been compiled by Tim Sandberg from
numerous sources, principally the writings of Rev. John
Kestell Floyer and the notes of David Cornish Floyer.
Nick Floyer has provided valuable editorial input, as
well as the discussion of Heraldry. For further information,
see:
The Annals of the Family of Floyer J. Kestell Floyer's
account of the history of the family
Two
Devonshire Papists in the Time of Queen Elizabeth J.K. Floyer's account
of a particular period in Floyer history
The Obituary of Ernest Ayscoghe
Floyer
Dr. Vaughan Cornish's obituary of my great-grandfather
Tim
Sandberg's WorldConnect Database Over 35,000 individuals
West
Country Genealogy Nigel Batty-Smith's excellent
source of information on the genealogy of the English
West Country Families
James Floyer's Homepage James Antony Floyer
is a graduate student in geography at the University of
British Columbia
ORIGIN OF THE NAME
According
to Rev. J. Kestell Floyer:
"It
has been disputed by different writers whether the
origin of the family of Floyer was Norman or Saxon. A
Norman origin has generally been taken for granted,
because the name is first on record about the time of
the Norman invasion of England; but such evidence as
is afforded by the derivation of the name and the
amount of land held is in favour of the contrary
idea. A 'Flo' is an arrow, was in use in Chaucer's
time, and is of Saxon derivation. The suffix 'er'
denotes generally an agent or worker. The
introduction of the 'y' finds a parallel in 'sawyer'
and 'lawyer.' Hence Floyer is an arrow-maker, and is
distinct from the Norman name for the same
occupation, 'Flechier,' which afterwards passed into
'Fletcher.'
The
earliest spelling of the name, as it is found in the Domesday
Survey, A.D. 1086, is 'Floher,' or in the Latin
form, 'Floherus.' By the time of Henry III the middle
'h' begins to be omitted,and it is written 'Floer' or
'le Floer.' Towards the beginning of the 14th century
the spelling 'Floyer' or 'le Floyer' becomes
constant, except for a period during the 16th and
17th centuries, when in some places it shared the
fate of many other names in having the middle 'y'
made into an 'i', but there is no trace of members of
the family ever having signed themselves 'Floier'.
"
J. K. Floyer's
unpublished notes in the possession of Rachel Nicholson
indicate that the 'h' in 'Floher' was pronounced as the
'ch' in German 'nacht'.
EARLY HISTORY
The
earliest mention of the name is in the Exon version of the Domesday survey of
1086 in which Floher holds inter alia, lands just outside
the Exeter city walls (identified as Floyers Hayes) where
the family resided until approximately 1580. The Exon survey
was later copied into the Devon Domesday Book, but there
are a number of errors and ommissions. For some reason neither
of the Floher entries appears in the official record, though
this is held to be the result of clerical error rather than a
form of tax avoidance.
Floyers Hayes is clearly shown on old maps of Exeter - notably 'Ex Brauns
Civitates Orbis' 1570 - which also shows St. Thomas'
Church which the Floyers were largely instrumental in
building. Some remains of Floyers Hayes existed until
1830/1840 but have since been covered by development.
A document
can be found attached to the Exeter Book of Anglo-Saxon Poetry
in the Exeter Cathedral library which records members of the family as
witnesses to the manumission of a slave. At a time when there was
usually only one copy of anything, such documents were often bound
into the end-papers of important books for safe-keeping. The Exeter
Book of Anglo-Saxon Poetry is 11th Century, but the documents attached
to it are mainly early 12th Century. The style of the manumission here
considered is late Anglo-Saxon and influenced by Carolingian script
from the Continent, so it probably dates from around 1130.
The original text reads as follows:
Note:
the following text uses fonts that may not be recognized
by all browsers. MacIntosh users, in particular, will
have difficulty with it. The subscript '7' is equivalent
to the modern ampersand. TMS
"Her cyð on þissere bec þ Leowine Feala sunu
bohte hine silfne 7 his ofspring æt Wulfworde
Æfrices sunu at Jacobe cyrca to healfe punde on
Williames gewitnesse preostes 7 on Godwines pr 7 on Arnoldes pr 7 on Edwines pr 7 on Bartholemews
Floheres sunu on Floheres 7 on Algares Pagardes 7 on Cona 7 Algares Leoflæ de sunu
7 Haim 7 Oter Dirlinges sunu
Edwacer Agelword Ofstanes sunu Osber Alworde sunu
Alfsta on Wunforda Edwi Nobol Ocing Agelword Pudding
diac. 7 on ealles þa [s
hun]dredes on Excestre to ceosende him hlaford 7 his ofspring swa hwær
swa hig woldon 7Alword portgerefa 7 Alwine Dirlinges aþum
fangon to þam tolle for þæs cynges hand 7 habbe he Godes curs 7 ealre halgena þe þis
æfre undo."
Translation: Here quoth on this book that Leowine
Feala's son bought himself and his offspring from
Wulfworde Aelfric's son at James' Church for half [a]
pound in William the priest's witness, and in Godwin the
priest's, and in Arnold the priest's, and in Edwin the
priest's, and in Bartholomew Floher's son's, in Floher's
and in Algar the Pagard's, and in Cona's and Algar's
Leoflaed's son and Haim and Oter Dirlinge's son the
Edwacer, Agelword Ofstane's son, Osber Alworde's son,
Alfsta in Wonford, Edwi. Nobol. Ocing. Agelword Pudding
[son of Pudda] the deacon, and on all the hundred of
Exeter, to choose him a lord and his offspring
wheresoever that he will, and Alword the portreeve and
Alwine Dirlinge's son took oath for the toll for the
King's hand, and let him have God's curse and all the
saints who shall ever undo [i.e., break this testimony].
The local character is
shown by the name Alfsta in Wonford, the mention of the
Hundred of Exeter, and the name of Alword the Portreeve,
who makes himself responsible for paying the King's dues
on the transaction. The document therefore shows that
in the early 1100's a man called Floher and Bartholomew his
son were living close to Exeter, presumably on the
Wonford side, on or near the estate soon after known as
Floyer's Hayes.
According
to the Exon. Domesday Book, A.D. 1085-6, published by the
Devonshire Association,1884-92:
"Floherus habet unam mansionem que vocatur
Sotrebroc quam tenuit Alviet ea die qua Rex Edwardus
fuit vivus et mortuus. Et reddidit Gildum pro dimidia
virgata quam possit arare iiij boues 7
val. per annum . . . . solidos." (See Vict. Co.
Hist., 520a.)
Translation: Floher has one manor which is called
Southbrook, which Alviet held on the day King Edward was
alive and died, and it rendered geld for half a virgate
which four oxen can plough, and is worth [two] shillings
a year.
According
to the Exeter Archaeological Field Unit Reports, 1984-85:
"Sotrebroc
and Floyers Hayes:
To
the SE of Haven Road was the small medieval manor of
Floyers Hayes, whose other lands lay mainly in the
corner of St. Thomas bounded by Alphington Street,
Haven Banks and Alphington parish. This manor is the
only sizeable estate recorded in the Exon version of
the Domesday Book yet omitted from the Exchequer
version. In the Exon Book it is called 'Sotrebroc', a
name not recorded thereafter. Sotrebroc was held in
1066 by a Saxon called Alfgeat and in 1086 by one
Flohere, hence presumably the medieval name Floyers
Hayes. In the past some historians have identified
Sotrebroc with a stream called the Shutebrook which
flowed into the Exe a few hundred metres to the SE of
Exeter. This has led to the identification of the
Domesday Sotrebroc manor with Larkbeare, a medieval
tenement situated next to the Shutebrook in Holloway
Street and first documented in the l3th century. In
fact the derivations of the two names are different,
and each can be explained in terms of the local
topography. Shutebrook contains the old English
element 'scyte' and may mean 'the brook in the steep
valley', or possibly 'boundary brook' since the
Shutebrook stream marks the SE boundary of medieval
Exeter. Sotrebroc simply means 'south brook'. There
is no natural stream in the immediate vicinity of
Floyers Hayes which could have given rise to the name
of the pre-Conquest Sotrebroc estate. The existence
of a leat in St. Thomas in the 11th century is
however implied by the record in Domesday Book of a
mill belonging to Cowick manor. Sotrebroc itself is
not recorded as possessing a mill. The leat
discovered in the excavation ran through Cowick manor
from Exe Bridge to Haven Road, where it entered the
Sotrebroc estate. Hence there is a good case for
regarding it as the 'Southbrook' which gave its name
to the Domesday manor later known as Floyers Hayes.
The archaeological evidence from the excavation
indicates only that the leat existed by the later
12th century without excluding an earlier origin for
it."
The
Pipe Rolls are the yearly accounts of the Royal revenue
as rendered by the King's officers. They are extant as a
regular series from the second year of Henry II., though
one year before this, that of 31 Henry 1., is also
preserved. Thus it will be seen that Richard, son of
Floher, and his son Nicholas appear as holding some
office in three of the earliest existing rolls, and if
the series had been complete they would probably have
appeared as holding the same office as often as they
rendered their account. What this office was can be
determined by the three words "ministerium,"
"cortine," and "lestagium". The first
shews that Richard and Nicholas farmed an office from the
Crown. "Cortina" is a round vessel or Basin,
and considering the situation of Floyer's Hayes, which
bordered the "basin" or harbour of Exeter, it
is safe to assume that they exercised the office of
Portreeve or Master of the Port. This is confirmed by the
last entry, which mentions "lastage", a tax or
toll on ships bringing in goods. The office of Portreeve
had been held in the time of Edward the Confessor by one
Alword.
"Et
in thesaurum liberavit Ricardus fil Floheri xl
solidos numero pro custodia Cortine." 31 Henry
1. (113O-31 ).
Translation: And Richard son of Floher has paid
into the Treasury forty shillings by tale for the custody
of the Basin.
"Nicholaus
filius Floherii reddit comptum de ij unc. auri pro
ministerio suo. In thesauro xxx s. pro ij unc auri et
quietus est." 4 Henry II. (1157-8).
Translation:
Nicholas son of Floher renders account of two ounces
of gold for his office. [He has paid] thirty shillings
into the Treasury for two ounces of gold and is
acquitted.
"Nicholaus
filius Floherii reddidit comptum de xxx s. de veteri
lestagio. In thesaurum liberavit et quietus et."
4 Henry II. (1157-8).
Translation: Nicholas son of Floher rendered
account of thirty shillings from the old lastage. He has
paid it into the Treasury and is acquitted.
THE EARLY CHARTERS
The
Floyers held the estate of Floyer's Hayes under feudal
tenure from the Barons of Okehampton. At first, this
Barony was held by the family of de Redvers or Reviers,
but later passed to the de Courtenays.
Those
evidences which follow, and are referred to as "B.
and P" are from a MS. pedigree supplied to John
Gould Floyer, from the records of the College of Arms, by
G. F. Betz, Lancaster Herald, and Jas. Pulman, Portcullis
Pouirsuivant, 1827. Those referred to below as
"Pole" are collated with Brit. Mus. Add. MS.
28,649, being "Collectanea ex manuscripto magni
voluminus sed majoris … dignissimi illius Antiquarii
Dni Gulielmi Pole de
Shute," in the handwriting of John Prince, author of
the "Worthies of Devon."
"Robertus
filius Henrici regis omnibus baronibus suis tam
clericis quam laicis salutem. Sciatis me concessisse
et carta mea confirmasse Ricardo filio Nicholai totam
terram ultra Exam quam Avus suus Ricardus filius
Floheri tenuit. Tenendam de me et heredibus meis sibi
[et] heredibus suis pacifice et quiete eodem servicio
ut predictus Ricardus filius Floheri melius et
liberius tenuit ut Baronia mea, testatur per
monstracionem unius militis et per servicium de uno
pichardo vini quod ipse Ricardus filius
Nicholai debet dare quoties contigerit me vel heredes
meos in Insula Exe prandere. Testibus Hugone de Bovet
seneschallo Willielmo Talbot, Guidone de Briano,
Antonio de la Bruize, Algario capellano, Osberto fil
Algari, Reginaldo filio Seminarii, Jordano Prilla, et
multis aliis." (B. and P. and Pole)
Translation: Robert son of King Henry to all his
barons, both clerical and lay, greeting. Know that I have
granted, and by my charter confirmed, to Richard son of
Nicholas all the land beyond Exe which his grandfather
Richard son of Floher held. To hold it from me and my
heirs for himself and his heirs peacefully and quietly by
the same service as the said Richard son of Floher held
it as from my Barony, that is, by the provision of one
soldier, and by the service of one pitcher of wine, which
Richard son of Nicholas himself ought to give as often as
it shall happen that I or my heirs dine on Exe Island.
Witness, etc.
"Notum
sit omnibus ad quos presens carta pervenerit quod ego
Reginaldus de Courtenay assensu Matilde uxoris mee
concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Ricardo
filio Nicholai et heredibus suis tenementum quod
predictus Ricardus de me tenuit ultra Exam tenendum
de me et meis heredibus ita libere et quiete sicut
unquam Avus suus Ricardus filius Floheri vel
Nicholaus pater predicti Ricardi tenuit de Ricardo
filio Baldwini melius et liberius et per idem
servicium mihi et heredibus meis faciendum quod pater
ejus et avus ejus fecerunt Ricardo filio Baildwini
scilicet per monstracionem unius militis mihi vel
heredibus meis [et] de uno pichardo vini quod ipse
dabit quoties contigerit me vel heredes meos in
Insula Exe prandere. Hiis testibus W. de Punchardo,
Hugone de Punchardo fratre ejus, Roberto de
Novoburgo, Willelmo Dan’ense, Ricardo Totilla,
Galfrido de Comevilla, Willelmo filio Galfridi,
Ricardo de Rokesia, Johanne de Knighton, etc."
(B. and P. and Pole.)
Translation: Be it known to all to whom this
present charter shall come that I, Reginald de Courtenay,
with the consent of Matilda my wife, have granted, and by
this present charter confirmed, to Richard son of
Nicholas and his heirs the tenement which the aforesaid
Richard held from me beyond Exe, To hold it from me and
my heirs as freely and quietly as ever his grandfather
Richard son of Floher, or Nicholas, father of the
aforesaid Richard, held it from Richard son of Baldwin
better and more freely, and by the same service to be
done to me and my heirs that his father and his
grandfather did to Richard son of Baldwin, that is, by
the provision of one soldier to me or my heirs, and of
one pitcher of wine, which he himself shall give as often
as it shall happen that I or my heirs dine on Exe lsland.
Witness, etc.
Inq.
pm. on John de Courtenay, Hen. III., Harl. MS. 6126,
British Museum:-
"Et
quod Hugo de Courtenay est filius et heres dicti
Johannis et est etatis xxiij annorum ad Festum
Annunciationis de Marie ultimo preterito. Et per
sacramentum Johannis Floyer, etc., qui dicit quod
idem Johannes tenet molendinum cum pratis et aliis
pertinenti de domino Rege in capite apud Exoniam ut
membrum Baronie de Okehampton. Et quod Johannes tenet
triginta acras terre ac pertinenti de domino Johanne
de Courtenay in capite reddendum inde unum allum vini
quotiescunque dictus Johannes et heredes sui
gentaculare vel comedere in Insula Ex voluint pro
omni servicio." (Before 1272.)
Translation: And that Hugo de
Courtenay is son and heir of the said John [and] of the
age of twenty-three years at the Feast of the
Annunciation of Mary last past. And by the oath of John
Floyer, etc., who says that the same John holds a mill
with meadows and other belongings from the lord King in
chief at Exeter as part of the Barony of Okehampton. And
that John holds thirty acres of land belonging the lord
John de Courtenay in chief, rendering for it one cup of
wine whensoever the said John and his heirs wish to
breakfast or to dine on Exe Island.
From a
MS. Rental in the possession of the Earl of Devon at
Powderham Castle. Copied 1908 by J. K. Floyer:
Rental
of Hugh Courtenay, 1311.
Baronia
de Okehampton “Floyeresland juxta Exam quod
Willelmus Floyer tenet per servitium dimidii feodi:
"Sectatores
curie militum de Okehampton de tribus septimanis in
tres septimanas."
Willelmus
ffloyer tenet terras de ffloyeris per servitium
dimidii feodi ut supra. Et quandocumque et
quotienscumque dominus venit in Insula de Exe subtus
pontem vel alio modo Idem tenens qui pro tempore
fuerit veniet coram domino comptus cum [cena?] vel
sive [or sine] cingtus super tunicam vel camisiam
[circumindutam habens] circa collum suum manitergium
album et portabit unum pitcherum vini et unum album
ciphum vel argenteum et offeret eidem domion ad
potandum. Et quidam dicunt quattuor simenellos quod
hoc non est in carta sua.
Translation: “Suitors of the Court of Knights
of Okehampton from three weeks to three weeks.”
William
ffloyer holds ffloyer's lands by the service of half a
fee as above. And whensoever and how often soever as the
lord comes on the Isle of Exe below the bridge or in any
other way the same tenant for the time being shall come
into the lord's presence provided with dinner or
[ ] girt over his tunic or shirt,
having a white towel put about his neck, and shall bring
one pitcher of wine and one white or silver cup, and
shall offer the same lord to drink. And certain persons
say [he shall provide] four simnels (i.e., loaves of
finest wheat bread), which is not in his charter.
From
the Visitation of Devon in 1564, with additions from the
earlier Visitation of 1531:
"Manerium
de Hayes jacet ex occidentali parte rivoli de Exa et
tenetur de Comite Devon per istud servicium, scilicet
quando comes Devon adveniet in Insulam de Ex ad
piscandum seu aliter ad seipsum recreandum tunc
dominus sive proprietarius hujus manerii in decenti
habitu sive apparatus attendere debet eidem comiti
cum mantile super humerum et cupam argenti in manibus
cum vino replatam offerendo eandem eidein
comiti ad bibendum."
Translation:
The manor of Hayes lies on the western side of the river
Exe, and is held from the Earl of Devon by this service,
that is to say, when the Earl of Devon comes into the
Isle of Exe to fish, or otherwise to amuse himself, then
the lord or proprietor of this manor ought to serve the
said Earl in a decent coat or ready with napkin on his
shoulder and a cup of silver in his hands filled with
wine, offer the same to the said Earl to drink.
This
is what is known as a "waiting" or
"serjeanty" tenure. Such tenures were most
common among those to whom the King had granted
"folk" land. The idea was that the house should
be one of call to the King's agents when on the public
service. This suggests that Floyer's land had been
previously held by the same tenure before the charters
were granted. There are slight variations in the form at
the different periods at which it is mentioned. In the
charters of Robert FitzHenry and of Reginald de Courtenay
between 1170 and 1194 the same phrase is repeated - the
pitcher of wine is to be given "whensoever it shall
happen that I or my heirs shall dine on the Isle of
Exe." In the later account, before 1272, the pitcher
becomes a cup (allum), and it is to be offered as often
as John de Courtenay and his heirs breakfast or dine on
the Isle of Exe, and the provision of a soldier in
addition is not mentioned, this requirement being now
made by other means. In 1311 the tenure is still more
carefully defined. It is to be rendered whensoever Hugh
de Courtenay comes on to the Isle of Exe, below the
bridge, the tenant for the time being shall attend,
provided with dinner, a white napkin girt round his neck
over his tunic or shirt, and shall bring one pitcher of
wine and one white or silver cup, and shall offer the
same lord to drink. Four simnel cakes are also added.
These differences look as if each time the service had
been rendered it had been done with these small
variations, which were afterwards registered as the
precise form in which it should be offered in future, for
it is expressly said that the four simnel loaves were not
in the charter, that is, not of obligation.
THE
FLOYER COAT OF ARMS
The
following three documents connected with the Duke of
Clarence are of considerable interest. The Duke had, with
his father-in-law the Earl of Warwick, fled to Exeter for
refuge in 1470, and the city was presently besieged by
Hugh Courtenay, Earl of Devon, on behalf of Edward IV.,
for twelve days. A few months later, in August 1470, the
Duke of Clarence, the Earl of Warwick, and their
followers landed at different Devonshire havens, and met
at Exeter. This visit is probably the one which Clarence
alludes to in his letter to William Floyer, when he
mentions "our last being in the west parts."
The army which William Floyer was to join was that raised
by Edward IV. for a projected invasion of France. The
expedition actually went, though no war took place owing
to the astuteness of Louis XI., who succeeded in making
Edward desert his ally, the Duke of Burgundy, by the
treaty of Picquiquy of 1475. So, though William Floyer
was engaged for service for a year, he apparently only
served for three months, for the receipt is for one
quarter's wages, and is dated at Exeter, by which it
appears that he had returned home within six weeks after
his first summons. In consequence of this expedition,
following the precedent of many others who had been
engaged in the wars in France, William Floyer became a
gentleman of coat armour. The three arrows of the family
coat are an obvious allusion to the three archers he took
with him. The arms were registered, quartering those of
his grandmother, Bash, in the Herald's Visitation of
Devon in 1531.
The
family motto, "Floret Virtus Vulnerata",
translates roughly as "Virtue Flourishes (although)
Wounded". An alternate version, used by Ayscoghe
Floyer, is "Florescit Vulnere Virtus". Perhaps
any Latin scholars out there can help with translation.
"The
Duke of Clarence, Earl of Warwick and Sarum, and
Great Chamberlain of England:
Trusty
and wel-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas at our
last being in the west parts, ye agreed to go in our
retinue in my lord’s voyage oversea, with such
number of archers as is contained in an indenture
that we send unto you, by our servant John Halwel,
bearer hereof, wherein ye shew yourself of right
loving disposition towards us, whereof we thank you
heartily. It is also that we, having consideration of
the labor and cost that should be unto you to come to
London or hither to seal the indenture, have, for
your more ease sent you the same, praying you to seal
one part thereof, and deliver it to our servant.
Yeaven
at our castle of Warwick the 14th day of Febr.
[Thus
endorsed:] To our trusty and well-beloved William
Floier." (B. and P. and Pole.)
"This
indenture made betwixt the Right High and Mighty
Prince, George, Duke of Clarence, on the one part,
and William Floier of Exeter in the County of Devon,
on the other part, Witnesseth, That the said William
is retain’d and belist towards the said Duke, to
do service of wars unto the King our Sovereign Lord,
in the said Duke’s retinue, in the dutchy of
Normandy and realm of France, for one whole year,
with three archers well and sufficiently habiled,
armed and arrayed, taking wages for himself xijd
by the day, with rewards accustomed, after the rate
of C marcs in a quarter for xxx spears, and for every
the said archers vid by the day; with
divers other conditions and agreements. Dated the
xiv. of December in the xiv. year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord King Edward the iiijth (1474)."
(B. and P.)
"This
indenture made at Exeter 29th Martii 15
Edw. IV. between the most high and mighty Prince the
Duke of Clarence, and William ffloyer on the other
part, Witnesseth that the sd William hath
recd of the said Duke by the hands of John
Hayes xiijl xiijS cijd for
a quarter’s wages that is to say, for himself, a
spere after xviijd by the day and for
three of his retinue taking for every of ym
vjd by the day. In witnes whereof to the
one pt of ye indenture
remayning toward the sd Duke the sd
Willm hath set his hand." (1475-6).
(B. and P.) [The time between the first enlisting and
the payment after the return then was about six
weeks.]
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