HILTON

1. WILLIAM

b.c.1550
m. ELLEN MAINWARING (b.c.1555, bur. 27 Mar. 1606 London), d. of John Mainwaring and Jane Wright
bur. 14 Feb. 1604/5 Witton Parish, Northwich,Cheshire

William Hilton worked a salt priviledge in Northwich in 1570.

The connection with the baronial family of Hilton in Durham is bogus... at least in regards to this generation. The legend goes that the last baron Hilton of Durham had died a bachelor and his two brothers, William and Edward, had emigrated and the estate was in Chancery. About 1885 Nathan Hilton of Yarmouth, NS collected funds and hired a woman in London to research this. In order to connect the Durham family with the two brothers in London and America she must have invented probate records of two estates "Ralph Hilton, 1602" and "Roger Hilton, 1619". Searches by Col. Banks and Mr. Hassam as well as a professional genealogist hired by Banks failed to find any traces of "Ralph" or "Roger". They did, however, find records supporting the origin of the brothers in Northwich, Chester.

As always in this business... Caveat Emptor!

Issue-

·  I. Edward- bpt. 9 June 1596 Northwich, Chester, m.1. ?, 2. c.1654 Catherine (Shapleigh) Treworgye (d. 2 May 1676), adm. Mar. 1670/1 Exeter, NH.

·  II. Richard- bpt. 11June 1599 Northwich, Chester, m.1. Anna ______ (bur.15 June 1638 Norwich), 2. int. 8 May1641 Witton, Alice Smith, widow of Banbury, d. before 15 Feb. 1669/70

·  2III. WILLIAM- m.1. ?,2. c.1651 Frances _____ (m.1. ?, m. 3. Richard White, d. after 1688), d. June 1655 and June 1656

·  IV. Arthur-

Ref:

Genealogical Dictionary of Maine & New Hampshire- p331ff


2III. WILLIAM (WILLIAM 1)

m. 1. ?
2. c.1651 Frances _____ (m.1. ?, m.3. Richard White, d. after 1688)
d. between June 1655 and June 1656

"William was "of London" and indebted to his father by the accounts preserved with the will in 1605. He was legatee for his brother Arthur of Northwich in 1612. The Hiltons were probably all fishmongers in London. The tax lists for London for 1641 gives the name of Edward Hilton in the list of fishmongers with the note "Newe England" after it.(13)

"William Hilton of Northwich county Chester" arrived at Cape Cod on the "Fortune" 9 Nov. 1621.(3) His letter badly misrepresented conditions there and was addressed to his "cousin" and was printed in Capt. John Smith's book, being dated two days later. The "cousin" may have been a blind for Capt. Smith himself or one of William's nephews or one of his wife's. He stated "I know not anything a contented mind can here want". In the letter he directed that his wife be sent over and she arrived at Plymouth with two children about 10 July 1623 and they were still in Plymouth in 1624:

Loving Cousin,

At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, we found all our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sick and weak, with very small means; the Indians round about us peaceable and friendly; the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs , no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. Timer of all sorts you have in England doth cover the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges; many great lakes abounding with fish, fowl, beavers, and otters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our thinking; but neither the goodness nor quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all freeholders; the rent-day doth not trouble us; and all those good blessings we have, of which and what we list in their seasons for taking. Our company are, for the most part, very religious, honest people; the word of God sincerely taught us ever Sabbath ; so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all the friends I have in England; and so I rest.

Your loving kinsman, William Hilton (2)

In the 1623 division of land in Plymouth, William received one acre as a passenger on the "Fortune" and his wife and two children received three acres as passengers on the "Anne".(4)

William's son John was baptised by the Rev. John Lyford in 1624 which was the first of Rev. Lyford's problems with the Pilgrims for which he and John Oldham were expelled from the colony. Lyford had baptised John even though his parents were not members of the church. The Hiltons were followers of the Church of England and this was probably the reason for them leaving Plymouth.(5)

William did not come to the Piscataqua with David Thompson in 1623 and no settlement had been made up the river in the spring of 1624. It was later than this that William left Plymouth and joined Thompson at Little Harbor with the purpose of starting salt works (salt making was the principal industry of Northwich). When his brother Edward arrived in 1628 he moved up river and when Capt. Neale arrived he was living on Dover Neck and planting corn, safe from the hogs, on the other side of the river in Maine. He apparently went with Capt. Wiggins to Newfields (part of Exeter), but soon returned. Edward was in control at Dover Point 4 Dec. 1632 when Gov. Winthrop received a letter from Capt. Neale and William Hilton that they had sent four ships and forty men to protect Pemaquid from Dixie Bull the pirate.(14)

The following letter to the Worshipful Mr. John Winthrop, the younger, at Agawam, is printed with the Winthrop papers in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society:

Pascatque Ser Aprill 18th 1633

There arived a ffishing shipe at Pascataque about the 15th of this p'sant moneth where in is one Richard ffoxwell whoe hath fformerly lived in this cuntery he bringeth nuse yt there were tow shipes making ready at Barstaple whoe are to bring passingers & catell ffor to plant in the bay he hath leters ffor mr wearom & divers others at dorchester wch hee intends to bring hr to the bay so soone as posible he can like wise he heard ffrom mr Alerton whoe was making ready at Bristole ffor to come ffor this cuntery other nuse he bringeth not that I can heare of onely mr Borowes purposeth to come ffor this cuntery ffrom london & soe desighring you to convey thes leters in to the bay wth what conveniency you can desighring the lord to blesse you in your lawffull designes I humbly rest Your wor ashured to com William Hilton. Ser I purpose eare long be if ye lord will to see you. The masters name of the shipe is John Corbin of Plimouth. To the wor mr John Wiathrope the younger at aguawam give these.

Before Mar. 1639 William participated in an exploration up the Merrimack River.(6) He was made a freeman with William Walderne 19 May 1642, was a commissioner to end small causes 1642-4, and a representative in 1644.

At a General Court held at Boston, Sept. 27, 1642

It is ordered, that the associats of Pascataque shall have power to try any cause under 201, though no other bee sent to them. Willi: Hilton, Willi: Wald'n, Edwa: Colcote have authority to end differences under 20sh8. Mr Francis Williams is joyned an associate at Pascataq.

There is a suit in the Piscataqua court brought by William 4 Apr. 1642 respecting a payment to "Mr. Richard Hilton of Norwich". There is also a baptism recorded at Wotten-under-edge, Gloucestershire of a child of Richard Hilton "coming out of New England". He was first in Kittery Point in June 1648. On 27 June 1648 "Mr. William Hilton being licensed for to keep the ordinary at the mouth of the river of Pascataquack and that none other shall keep any private ordinary there, nor to sell wine, beer nor liquor upon any pretence".(8)

It is Ordered this Court that hee that keeps the ordnary is for to keepe a ferry and to have to the great Iland for one vi d if more iii d a peese to Strawbury banck for one xii d if more viii d p man to Dover or Kitterry xviii d for one if more xii d a man.

In Apr. of that year he was in Dover as the town allowed him and Thomas Turner to gather 70 loads of pine knots on Madbury Neck.

In 1647 Mendum, the Kittery Point innholder, had bought and given up the house owned by Capt. Shapleigh, who got the license transferred to William who rented the house and lived there until Shapleigh put him out soon after 15 Oct. 1650 because of his wife Frances who by her own deposition had been living there some years before: "for as much as the house at the river's mouth where Mr. Shapleigh's father first built and Mr. William Hilton now dwelleth; in regard it was first house there built and Mr. Shapleigh intendeth to build and enlarge it, and for further considerations, it is thought fit it should from time to time be for a house of entertainment or ordinary with this proviso, that the tenant be such a one as the inhabitants shall approve of". William then moved to York where he was promptly given the ferry and tavern license.

At a town meeting held at York about the 8th of December, 1652:

It is ordered that mr William Hilton is to have the use of the ferry for the Term of one & twenty years. Lying betwixt the house where he now liveth, and The Town of York : and he is duly to attend the sd Ferry with Cannoos sufficient for the safe transportation both of Strangers & Townsmen if occasion requireth. If time & tydes be Seasonable, he is to pass persons over to & from the Stage Island : If not he is & must provide a Canoo to Lye ready at the point of Land on his own Side the River, upon all Such occasions to transport people without danger. In Consideration whereof the sd William Hilton is to have allowed him two pence a peice for Every strangers, & four pence apeace for Every beast, or horse which he swimmeth over, or that are Swom by any Strangers themselves, he or his servants being ready to attend, & one penny a time for Every Townsman he fetcheth or carrioth over : unless the sd Inhabitant go over In his own Cannoo, which Liberty remaines to Every Townsman, being made use of to Exempt him or them from the payment of any ferriage.

He was an alderman there and then selectman 1652-4, on the grand jury 1651, 1653-5 and foreman of the jury in 1650. He signed the Submission to Massachusetts on 22 Nov. 1652. He was evidently educated and sufficiently familiar with the courts to almost invariably win his frequent law suits. There is the railing of his wife Frances (for which the court sentenced her severely) that one John was his bastard (she was beneath his class). His other wife/wives kept out of court and are therefore nameless.

On 16 Oct. 1649 Mrs. Hilton was presented and admonished for fighting and abusing her neighbors with her tongue. At the same court Mr. William Hilton was presented for breach of the Sabbath in carrying of wood from the woods and for failing to keep food and drink on hand for strangers and inhabitants. (9)

On 15 March 1649/50 Mr. William Hilton brought cases against Hatevell Nutter, Thomas Hanscom and Robert Mendam . He was still suing Hanscom and Mendam on 11 March 1651 . On 15 October 1650 Mr. William Hilton and Frances his wife were sued by Mr. George Moncke for slander . On 11 March 1651 Jeremy Sheires reviled Mr. William Hilton when Hilton was foreman of the jury, and Sheires was fined £2 . On 14 October 1651 Mr. William Hilton posted bail for Clement Campion, sued Thomas Way for debt, and sued Michaell Powell for debt . (10)

On 30 June 1653 "William Hilton Senior" sued Samuell Allcocke for cutting and carrying away his timber . On 25 October 1653 Mr. William Hilton Senior sued Ann Mason of London and, in a separate action, sued Sir Ferdinando Gorges, for damage done against him . (11)

On 28 June 1655 the court found Frances Hilton, the wife of William Hilton, guilty of "railing at her husband and saying he went with Joane his bastard to his three halfe penny whores and that he carried a cloak of profession for his knavery." For this offense she was sentenced to have "twenty lashes upon the bare skin, only the execution thereof upon her husband's request to be respited upon her good behavior until the next county court, except any just complaints come in against her. In the meantime, which if they do unto authority then the punishment to be inflicted upon her by order of the commissioners of York at what time they shall see cause to order it" .(12) At the same court in which Richard White became William Hilton's administrator (30 June 1656), White also brought a charge of slander against Rice Jones for an offense against his wife, Frances White.(1) As the court dragged on, Frances White was countersued for "causelessly abusing" the wife of Rice Jones with opprobrious and disgraceful speeches and was sentenced to acknowledge her offence in court, 3 July 1656 . At court 6 July 1657 the infamous Joan Andrews was presented for "threatening Goody Whitte at York in a profane manner saying that she would swear herself to the devil but she would be avenged of her" .

On 30 July 1656 Magdeline Wiggin the wife of James Wiggin was presented for saying she saw "William Moore & her mother Frances Whitte" in the act of adultery .

On 5 July 1658 complaints were heard about Richard White and his wife fighting and quarrelling together . Things got worse. On 3 July 1660, Richard White and his wife Frances White were presented for allowing men to be drunk in their house on the Sabbath and for not attending public meeting, and for "common lying and backbiting of their neighbors & slandering them & for their great disorder in falling out & fighting one with another & for beating company in their house & for beating Mistress Gunnison & Joseph Davesse his servants, & Ric Whitte for being drunk several times" . On 1 July 1673 Richard White was paying fines for himself and his wife . On 6 July 1675 they were presented for not attending the public worship .

Frances White, wife of Richard White, in a deposition taken Feb. 27, 1687-8, says " that about forty sixe years past shee leived in a house at Kittery poynt that stood then between the house that was mr : Morgans & the house that Mr : Greenland afterward leived in- which house above sayd the depo husband William Hilton did hyer of Maior Nicholus shapligh."

Map of York- showing the homes of the people who signed the submission to Massachusetts in 1652

William had two sons named William. It was not an unusual occurance to have two children by the same name by two different mothers. The elder of the two lived in Newbury and Charlestown. A deposition of 30 May 1683 shows that: Willia Hilton now resident in York ... was commonly known, & reputed, to be the son of William Hilton Senior deceased, & formerly lived in York.(7)

Issue- first five children by his first wife, last five by Frances.

·  I. John- bur. 26 Nov. 1610 Northwich

·  II. Elizabeth- bpt. 27 June, bur. 1 Aug. 1616 Northwich

·  3III. WILLIAM- bpt. 22 June 1617 Northwich, m.1. SARAH GREENLEAF, 2. 16 Sept. 1659 Mehitable Nowell of Charlestown (m.2. 29 Oct. 1684 Deacon John Cutler, d. 29 Sept. 1711), d. 7 Sept. 1675

·  IV. Mary- bpt. 11 May 1619 Northwich

·  V. John- b.c.1624 Plymouth

·  VI. Magdalene- m.1. by1656 James Wiggin, 2. int. 14 May 1698 Newbury, Henry Kenning of Salem

·  VII. Mainwaring- b. before 1650, m. Mary Moulton (m.2. Samuel Bragdon of York), adm. 4 July 1671 Dover, NH

·  VIII. Agnes- m. by 1667 Arthur Beale

·  IX. William- b.c.1653, m. Anne Parsons (living in Boston in 1737), d. before 1700

Ref:

(1) Province and Court Records of Maine- Vol. II, pp. 47, 51, 54
(2) The Complete Works of Captain John Smith- Philip Barbour, Williamsburg, 1986- pp. 430-1; also NEHGR- Vol. 31, p. 179
(3) Pedigree of the Family of Hilton- David Manly Hilton, Damariscotta, 1933
(4) Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England- Nathaniel Shurtleff & David Pulsifer, eds., Boston 1855-1861
(5) Of Plimouth Plantation- William Bradford
(6) Winthrop Papers- Vol. IV, p. 101
(7) York Deeds- Vol. III, p. 125, NEHGR- Vol. 31, p. 184; 36, p. 40
(8) Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England- Vol. I, pp. 125, 135, 147
(9) Province and Court Records of Maine- Vol. I, p. 135
(10) Ibid- Vol. I, pp. 138, 145, 156, 160, 169
(11) Ibid- Vol. II, pp. 11, 19
(12) Ibid- Vol. II, pp. 43-4
(13) Genealogical and Personal Memoirs Relating to the Families of Boston and Eastern Massachusetts- William Richard Cutter, Lewis Historical Publishing Co., NY, 1908- Vol. IV, p. 1813
(14) Early History of the New Hampshire Settlements- Alice Haubrich, Piscataqua Pioneers, 1990

The Great Migration Begins: Immigrants to New England, 1620-1633- Robert Charles Anderson, NEHGS, 1995
Genealogical Dictionary of Maine & New Hampshire- p. 331ff


3III. WILLIAM (WILLIAM 1, WILLIAM 2)

bpt. 22 June 1617 Northwich, Chester
m.1. SARAH GREENLEAF
      2. 16 Sept. 1659 Mehitable Nowell of Charlestown (m.2. 29 Oct. 1684, Deacon John Cutler, d.29 Sept. 1711)
d. 7 Sept. 1675 Charlestown, MA

William was a distinguished navigator and cartographer. We have his own story of his coming over from England as full as would be expected of a six year old child brought over by his mother in 1623. There is no record of him in New Hampshire. According to his statements in his petitions he grew up with his father trading with the Indians. He was made a freeman in Newbury in 1653, his name occuring in the records there from 1641 until 1653. He was in Charlestown after 1654. He joined the Charlestown church by letter from Newbury 14 Aug. 1670.

A Brief Description of the Province of Carolina on the Coasts of Floreda... Together with a most accurate Map of the whole Province- Robert Horne 1666

The "Committe for Cape ffaire at Boston" sponsored William's voyages of exploration to the Carolinas and the "Good Ship Adventure" set sail from Charlestown on 14 Aug. 1662. After his expeditions in the "Adventurer" he published a book of surveys of the Carolina coast where the present name of Hilton is attributed to him. In August of 1663, while exploring the Port Royal Sound, he sighted the high bluffs of the Island, and named it for himself, "Hilton Head." The word "Head" refers to the headlands visible to them as they sailed the uncharted waters. He lingered several days, making note of the trees, crops, and also the sweet water and clear sweet air. The English arrived in the 1670's, however, the first permanent settler didn't arrive until 1717. On 10 Aug. 1663 he set out from Speights Bay, Barbados with Capt. Anthony Long and Peter Fabian and upon their arrival in the area of St. Helena Sound and the Combahee River they found the English castaways who were being held captive by the local Indians. During his negociations with the Indians he learned much about the local culture. After sounding the entrance to Port Royal Sound he set off for Cape Fear but was blown off course near Hatteras. They finally arrived at the entrace to the Cape Fear River on 12 Oct. and explored the area until Dec. In 1664 he published "A Relation of a Discovery Lately Made on the Coast of Florida" which encouraged colonization in the area which leg to the establishment of Charleston, SC. Nicholas Shapley of Charlestown drew up the first detailed map of the Cape Fear area and it is now in the British Museum and carries the following memorandum:

"Discovery made by William Hilton of Charles towne In New England Marriner from Cape Hatterask Lat: 35: 30' to the west of Cape Roman in Lat: 32. 30' In the yeare 1662 And layd Down in the forme as you see by Nicholas Shapley of the town aforesaid Nouember: 1662" (2)

The New England Company's plan to colonize Carolina ended when King Charles II granted eight of his cortiers the Proprietorship of the Province of Carolina on 20 Mar. 1663. They retained William who led a group of settlers from Barbados in 1663 on a second expedition which resulted in the failed Charles Town colony which was abandoned in 1667.

A New Discription of Carolina By Order of The Lords Proprietors- John Ogilby & James Joseph Moxon, London, 1673

From Tuesday the 29th of September, to Friday the 2d of October, we rang’d along the Shoar from Lat. 32 deg. 20 min. to Lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could discern no Entrance for our Ship, after we had pass’d to the Northward of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday, Octob. 3. a violent Storm overtook us, the Wind between North and East; which Easterly Winds and Foul Weather continu’d till Monday the 12th; by reason of which Storms and Foul Weather, we were forced to get off to Sea, to secure Ourselves and Ship, and were driven by the Rapidity of a strong Current to Cape Hatteras in Lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Monday the 12th aforesaid we came to an Anchor in seven Fathom at Cape-Fair Road, and took the Meridian Altitude of the Sun, and were in Latitude 33 deg. 43 min. the Wind continuing still easterly, and foul Weather, till Thursday the 15th; and on Friday the 16th, the Wind being at N. W. we weigh’d and sail’d up Cape-Fair-River, some 4 or 5 Leagues, and came to an Anchor in 6 or 7 Fathom, at which time several Indians came on board, and brought us great Store of fresh Fish, large Mullets, young Bass, Shads, and several other Sorts of very good well-tasted Fish. On Saturday the 17th, we went down to the Cape, to see the English Cattle, but could not find ‘em, tho’ we rounded the Cape: And having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode till Oct. 24. The Wind being against us, we could not go up the River with our Ship; but went on shoar, and view’d the Land of those Quarters.

On Saturday, we weigh’d, and sail’d up the River some 4 Leagues, or thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weigh’d again, and row’d up the River, it being calm, and got up some 14 Leagues from the Harbour’s Mouth, where we mor’d our Ship. On Monday Oct. the 26th, we went down with the Yawl, to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and view’d the Land there. On Tuesday the 27th, we row’d up the main River, with our Long-Boat, and 12 Men, some 10 Leagues, or thereabouts. On Wednesday the 28th, we row’d up about 8 or 10 Leagues more. Thursday the 29th, was foul Weather, with much Rain and Wind, which forc’d us to make Huts, and lie still. Friday the 30th, we proceeded up the main River, 7 or 8 Leagues. Saturday the 31 st, we got up 3 or 4 Leagues more, and came to a Tree that lay cross the River; but because our Provisions were almost spent, we proceeded no farther, but return’d downward before Night, and on Monday the 2d of November, we came aboard our Ship. Tuesday the 3d, we lay still, to refresh ourselves. On Wednesday the 4th, we went 5 or 6 Leagues up the River, to search a Branch that run out of the main River towards the N. W. In which Branch we went up 5 or 6 Leagues; but not liking the Land, return’d on board that Night about Midnight, and call’d that Place Swampy-Branch. Thursday, November the 5th; we stay’d aboard. On Friday the 6th, we went up Greens-River, the Mouth of it being against the Place at which rode our Ship.

This map of North Carolina’s coast, drawn in 1709, refers to Cape Fear by its original name, “Cape Fair.”

On Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the said River some 14 or 15 Leagues in all, and found it ended in several small Branches; The Land, for the most part, being marshy and Swamps, we return’d towards our Ship, and got aboard it in the Night. Sunday November the 8th, we lay still, and on Monday the 9th, went again up the main River, being well stock’d with Provisions, and all things necessary, and proceeded upwards till Thursday noon, the 12th, at which time we came to a Place, where were two Islands in the Middle of the River; and by reason of the Crookedness of the River at that Place, several Trees lay cross both Branches, which stop’d the Passage of each Branch, so that we could proceed no farther with our Boat; but went up the River side by Land, some 3 or 4 Miles, and found the River wider and wider. So we return’d, leaving it, as far as we could see up a long Reach, running N. E. we judging ourselves near fifty Leagues North from the River’s Mouth. In our Return, we view’d the Land on both Sides the River, and found as good Tracts of dry, well-wooded, pleasant, and delightful Ground, as we have seen any where in the World, with abundance of long thick Grass on it, the Land being very level, with steep Banks on both Sides the River, and in some Places very high, the Woods stor’d every where, with great Numbers of Deer and Turkies, we never going on Shoar, but we saw of each Sort; as also great Store of Partridges, Cranes, and Conies, in several Places; we like-wise heard several Wolves howling in the Woods, and saw where they had torn a Deer in Pieces. Also in the River we saw great Store of Ducks, Teal, Widgeon; and in the Woods, great Flocks of Parrakeeto’s.

The Timber that the Woods afford, for the most part, consists of Oaks of four or five Sorts, all differing in Leaves, but each bearing very good Acorns. We measur’d many of The Oaks in Several Places, which we found to be, in Bigness, some Two, some Three, and others almost Four Fathom in Height, before you come to Boughs or Limbs; forty, fifty, sixty Foot, and some more; and those Oaks very common in the upper Parts of both Rivers; also a very tall large Tree of great Bigness, which some call Cyprus, the right Name we know not, growing in Swamps. Likewise Walnut, Birch, Beech, Maple, Ash, Bay, Willow, Alder, and Holly; and in the lowermost Parts innumerable Pines, tall and good for Boards of Masts, growing, for the most part, in barren and sandy, but in some Places up the River, in good Ground, being mixt amongst Oaks and other Timbers. We saw Mulberry-Trees, Multitudes of Grape-Vines, and some Grapes which we eat of. We found a very large and good Tract of Land, on the N. W. Side of the River, thin of Timber, except here and there a very great Oak, and full of Grass, commonly as high as a Man’s Middle, and in many Places to his Shoulders, where we saw many Deer, and Turkies; one Deer having very large Horns, and great Body, therefore call’d it Stag-Park. It being a very pleasant and delightful Place, we travell’d in it several Miles, but saw no End thereof. So we return’d to our Boat, and proceeded down the River, and came to another Place, some twenty five Leagues from the River’s Mouth on the same Side, where we found a Place, no less delightful than the former; and as far as we could judge, both Tracts came into one. This lower Place we call’d Rocky Point, because we found many Rocks and Stones, of several Sizes, upon the Land, which is not common.

We sent our Boat down the River before us; ourselves travelling by Land, many Miles. Indeed we were so much taken with the Pleasantness of the Country, that we travell’d into the Woods too far to recover our Boat and Company that Night. The next day being Sunday, we got to our Boat; and on Monday the 16th of November, proceeded down to a Place on the East-Side of the River, some 23 Leagues from the Harbour’s Mouth, which we call’d Turky-Quarters, because we kill’d several Turkies thereabouts; we view’d the Land there, and found some Tracts of good Ground, and high, facing upon the River about one Mile inward, but backwards some two Miles, all Pine Land, but good Pasture Ground: We return’d to our Boat, and proceeded down some 2 or 3 Leagues, where we had formerly view’d, and found it a Tract of as good Land, as any we have seen, and had as good Timber on it. The Banks on the River being high, therefore we call’d it High-Land-Point. Having view’d that, we proceeded down the River, going on Shoar in several Places on both Sides, it being generally large Marshes, and many of them dry, that they may more fitly be calld Meadows. The Wood-Land against them is, for the most part, Pine, and in some Places as barren, as ever we saw Land, but in other Places good Pasture-Ground.

On Tuesday, November the 17th, we got aboard our Ship, riding against the Mouth of Green’s River, where our Men were providing Wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea: In the interim, we took a View of the Country on both sides of the River there, finding some good Land, but more bad, and the best not comparable to that above. Friday the 20th was foul Weather; yet in the Afternoon we weigh’d, went down the River about two Leagues, and came to an Anchor against the Mouth of Hilton’s River, and took a View of the Land there on both sides, which appear’d to us much like that at Green’s River. Monday the 23d, we went, with our Long-Boat well victuall’d and mann’d, up Hilton’s River; and when we came three Leagues, or thereabouts, up the same, we found this and Green’s River to come into one, and so continu’d for four or five Leagues, which makes a great Island betwixt them. We proceeded still up the River, till they parted again, keeping up Hilton’s River on the Larboard side, and follow’d the said River five or six Leagues farther, where we found another large Branch of Green’s River to come into Hilton’s, which makes another great Island.

On the Starboard side going up, we proceeded still up the River some four Leagues, and return’d, taking a View of the Land on both sides, and then judg’d ourselves to be from our Ship some 18 Leagues W. and by N. One League below this Place, came four Indians in a Canoe to us, and sold us several Baskets of Acorns,which we satisfy’d them for,and so left them; but one of them follow’d us on the Shoar some two or three Miles, till he came on the Top of a high Bank, facing on the River; and as we row’d underneath it, the Fellow shot an Arrow at us, which very narrowly miss’d one of our Men, and stuck in the upper edge of the Boat; but broke in pieces, leaving the Head behind. Hereupon, we presently made to the Shoar, and went all up the Bank (except Four to guide the Boat) to look for the Indian, but could not find him: At last, we heard some sing, farther in the Woods, which we look’d upon as a Challenge to us, to come and fight them. We went towards them with all Speed; but before we came in Sight of them, heard two Guns go off from our Boat; whereupon we retreated, as fast as we could, to secure our Boat and Men. When we came to them, we found all well, and demanded the Reason of their firing the Guns: They told us, that an Indian came creeping along the Bank, as they suppos’d, to shoot at them; and therefore they shot at him at a great distance, with small Shot, but thought they did him no Hurt; for they saw him run away. Presently after our Return to the Boat, and while we were thus talking, came two Indians to us, with their Bows and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny. We took their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave them Beads, to their Content; then we led them, by the Hand, to the Boat, and shew’d them the Arrow-head sticking in her Side, and related to them the whole Passage; which when they understood, both of them shew’d a great Concern, and signify’d to us, by Signs, that they knew nothing of it; so we let them go, and mark’d a Tree on the Top of the Bank, calling the Place Mount-Skerry.

We look’d up the River, as far as we could discern, and saw that it widen’d, and came running directly down the Country: So we return’d, viewing the Land on both sides the River, and finding the Banks steep in some places, but very high in others. The Bank-sides are generally Clay, and as some of our Company did affirm, some Marl. The Land and Timber up this River is no way inferiour to the best in the other, which we call the main River. So far as we could discern, this seem’d as fair, if not fairer, than the former, and we think runs farther into the Country, because a strong Current comes down, and a great deal more Drift-Wood. But, to return to the Business of the Land and Timber: We saw several Plots of Ground clear’d by the Indians, after their weak manner, compass’d round with great Timber Trees, which they are no-wise able to fell, and so keep the Sun from Corn-Fields very much; yet nevertheless, we saw as large Corn-stalks, or larger, than we have seen any where else: So we proceeded down the River, till we found the Canoe the Indian was in, who shot at us.

In the Morning, we went on Shoar, and cut the same in pieces. The Indians perceiving us coming towards them, ran away. Going to his Hutt, we pull’d it down, broke his Pots, Platters, and Spoons, tore the Deer-Skins and Matts in pieces, and took away a Basket of Acorns; and afterwards proceeded down the River 2 Leagues, or thereabouts, and came to another Place of Indians, bought Acorns and some Corn of them, and went downwards 2 Leagues more.

At last, espying an Indian peeping over a high Bank, we held up a Gun at him; and calling to him, Skerry, presently several Indians came in Sight of us, and made great Signs of Friendship, saying Bonny, Bonny. Then running before us, they endeavour’d to persuade us to come on shoar; but we answer’d them with stern Countenances, and call’d out, Skerry, taking up our Guns, and threatning to shoot at them, but they still cry’d Bonny, Bonny: And when they saw they could not prevail, nor persuade us to come on shoar, two of them came off to us in a Canoe, one paddling with a great Cane, the other with his Hand. As soon as they overtook us, they laid hold of our Boat, sweating and blowing,and told us, it was Bonny on shoar, and at last persuaded us to go on shoar with them.

As soon as we landed, several Indians, to the Number of near 40 lusty Men, came to us, all in a great Sweat, and told us Bonny: We shew’d ‘em the Arrow-Head in the Boat-Side,and a Piece of the Canoe we had cut in Pieces: Whereupon, the chief Man amongst them made a long Speech, threw Beads into our Boat, which is a Sign of great Love and Friendship, and gave us to understand, that when he heard of the Affront which we had receiv’d, it caus’d him to cry; and that he and his Men were come to make Peace with us, assuring us, by Signs, that they would tye the Arms, and cut off the Head, of the Fellow who had done us that Wrong; And for a farther Testimony of their Love and Good-Will towards us, they presented us with two very handsome, proper, young Indian Women, the tallest that ever we saw in this Country; which we suppos’d to be the King’s Daughters, or Persons of Distinction amongst them.

Those young Women were so ready to come into our Boat; that one of them crowded in, and would hardly be persuaded to go out again. We presented the King with a Hatchet and several Beads, and made Presents of Beads also to the young Women, the chief Men, and the rest of the Indians, as far as our Beads would go. They promis’d us, in four Days, to come on board our Ship, and so departed from us. When we left the Place, which was soon after, we call’d it Mount-Bonny, because we had there concluded a firm Peace. Proceeding down the River 2 or 3 Leagues farther, we came to a Place where were 9 or 10 Canoes all together. We went ashoar there, and found several Indians; but most of them were the same which had made Peace with us before. We staid very little at that Place, but went directly down the River, and came to our Ship, before day. Thursday the 26th of November, the Wind being at South, we could not go down to the River’s Mouth; but on Friday the 27th, we weigh’d at the Mouth of Hilton’s River, and got down a League towards the Harbour’s Mouth. On Sunday the 29th, we got down to Crane-Island, which is 4 Leagues or thereabouts, above the Entrance of the Harbour’s Mouth.

On Tuesday the Ist of December, we made a Purchase of the River and Land of Cape-Fair, of Wat-Coosa, and such other Indians, as appear’d to us to be the chief of those Parts. They brought us Store of fresh Fish aboard, as Mullets, Shads, and other sorts very good. This River is all fresh Water, fit to drink. Some 8 Leagues within the Mouth, the Tide runs up about 35 Leagues, but stops and rises a great deal farther up. It flows at the Harbour’s Mouth, S. E. and N. W. 6 Foot at Neap-Tides, and 8 Foot at Spring-Tides. The Channel on the East side, by the Cape-Shoar, is the best, and lies close aboard the Cape-Land, being 3 Fathoms at high Water, in the shallowest Place in the Channel, just at the Entrance; But as soon as you are past that Place, half a Cables Length inward, you have 6 or 7 Fathoms, a fair turning Channel into the River, and so continuing 5 or 6 Leagues upwards. Afterwards the Channel is more difficult, in some Places 6 or 7 Fathoms, in others 4 or 5, and in others but 9 or 10 Foot, especially where the River is broad. When the River comes to part, and grows narrow, there it is all Channel from side to side, in most Places; tho’ in some you shall have 5, 6, or 7 Fathoms, but generally 2 or 3, Sand and Oaze.

We view’d the Cape-Land, and judg’d it to be little worth, the Woods of it being shrubby and low, and the Land sandy and barren; in some Places Grass and Rushes, in others nothing but clear Sand: A Place fitter to starve Cattle, in our Judgment, than to keep’em alive; yet the Indians, as we understand, keep the English Cattle down there, and suffer them not to go off of the said Cape, (as we suppose) because the Country Indians shall have no Part with them; and therefore’tis likely, they have fallen out about them, which shall have the greatest Share. They brought on board our Ship very good and fat Beef several times, which they sold us at a very reasonable Price; also fat and very large Swine, good and cheap; but they may thank their Friends of New-England, who brought their Hogs to so fair a Market. Some of the Indians brought very good Salt aboard us, and made Signs, pointing to both sides of the River’s Mouth, that there was great Store thereabouts. We saw up the River, several good Places for the setting up of Corn of Saw-Mills. In that time, as our Business call’d us up and down the River and Branches, we kill’d of wild Fowl, 4 Swans, 10 Geese, 29 Cranes, 10 Turkies, 40 Ducks and Mallards, 3 dozen of Parrakeeto’s, and 6 dozen of other small Fowls, as Curlues and Plover, &c.

Whereas there was a Writing left in a Post, at the Point of Cape-Fair River, by those New-England-Men, that left Cattle with the Indians there, the Contents whereof tended not only to the Disparagement of the Land about the said River, but also to the great Discouragement of all such as should hereafter come into those Parts to settle: In answer to that scandalous Writing, We, whose Names are underwritten, do affirm, That we have seen, facing both sides the River and Branches of Cape-Fair aforesaid, as good Land, and as well timber’d, as any we have seen in any other Part of the World, sufficient to accommodate Thousands of our English Nation, and lying commodiously by the said River’s Side. On Friday the 4th of December, the Wind being fair, we put out to Sea, bound for Barbados; and, on the 6th of February, 1663/4, came to an Anchor in Carlisle-Bay; it having pleas’d God, after several apparent Dangers both by Sea and Land, to bring us all in Safety to our long-wish’d for and much desir’d Port, to render an Account of our Discovery; the Verity of which we do assert.

Anthony Long.
William Hilton.
Peter Fabian.
(3)

The area of "The River and the land of Cape-Fair, of Wattacoosa and such other Indians as appeared to us to be chief of those parts" was purchased for colonization. The Barbadians had previously agreed among themselves to purchase from the natives whatever area they chose to settle. Upon Hilton's return from the Carolina coast, Vassell and others set out to acquire grants for the land from the Lord Proprietors and Hilton constructed the above pamphlet detailing his journey that was distributed in England to encourage settlement of the area.

A petition of William Hilton, the older son of the immigrant William, was discussed at the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay in May and June 1660. William states: your petitioner's father came over into New England about the year Anno Domini 1621; & your petitioner came about one year & an half after, and in a little time following settled ourselves upon the River of Pischataq, with Mr. Edw Hilton, who were the first English planters there . The petition goes on to claim land up the Merrimack River which had been granted to William Hilton Senior and William Hilton Junior by the local Indian sachem. The petition was only partially successful:

answer to a petition of Willjam Hilton, humbly craving the Court's allowance & confirmation of a deed of gift of six miles square of land lying on the River Pennieconaquigg, being a rivulet running into the River Penacooke, with two miles of the best meadow lying on the northeast side of Pennacook, given to his father & him in the year 1636 by Tahanto, the sagamore there; & the Court, having considered the contents of this petition, judge meet not to grant the same, but considering the petitioner's grounds for the approbation of the Indian's grant, do judge meet to grant that three hundred acres of the said land be set out to the petitioner by a committee chosen by this Court, so as that it may not prejudice any plantation; and this as a final end of all future claims by virtue of such grant from the Indians . (1)

He was bound for London in 1672.

Issue- First five children by Sarah, born in Newbury, last five by Mehitable, born in Charlestown

·  I. Sarah- b. June 1641, m. by 1661 Edward Winslow,d. 4 Apr. 1667

·  II. Charles- b. July 1643, d.s.p.

·  III. Mary- m.2 Oct. 1667 Charlestown, William Marshall, d.of small pox 15 July 1678

·  4IV. HANNAH- b. 12 Feb. 1648, m. 2 July 1668 Newbury, JONATHAN WOODMAN (b. 5 Nov. 1643 Newbury,d. 21 Nov. 1706 Newbury)

·  V. Elizabeth- b. 6 Nov. 1650, m. 22 Dec. 1673 Charlestown, Timothy Cutler (d. 21 Oct. 1694), will 30 Nov. 1726- 20 Apr. 1733

·  VI. Nowell- b. 4 May 1663, will 6 Oct. 1687-17 Sept. 1689 London

·  VII. Edward- b. 3 Mar. 1666

·  VIII. John- bpt. 24 May 1668, int. 29 Aug. 1717 Charlestown, Sarah Parrock

·  IX. Richard- b. 13 Sept. 1670, m.22 Jan. 1711/2 Elizabeth Lord (d. 22 Sept. 1718), d.s.p., will 16 Jan.1720/1

·  X.Samuel- d.s.p.

Ref:

(1) Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England- Vol. IV, p. 430
(2) British Museum Library- Addl. 5415, G, 4
(3) A New Voyage to Carolina; Containing the Exact Description and Natural History of That Country: Together with the Present State Thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles, Travel’d Thro’ Several Nations of Indians. Giving a Particular Account of Their Customs, Manners, &c.- John Lawson, London, 1709

American National Biography- John Garraty & Mark Carnes, ed., Oxford Univ. Press, 1999- Vol. X
Genealogical Dictionary of Maine & New Hampshire- p331ff