HOPKINS

1. EDMUND-

Issue-

·  2I. JOHN- bpt. 7 Feb. 1543 Kimpton, Hampshire


2I. JOHN (EDMUND 1)

bpt. 7 Feb. 1543 Kimpton, Hampshire
m.1. 28 Oct. 1574 Upper Clatford, Agnes Borrowe
2. 28 July 1579 Upper Clatford, ELIZABETH WILLIAMS
d.c.1593 Winchester

Church of St. Peter and St. Paul- Kimpton

John and Elizabeth moved from Clatford to Winchester before 1586.

Issue-

·  3I. STEPHEN- bpt. 30 Apr. 1581 Upper Clatford, Hampshire, m.1. MARY ______, 2. 19 Feb. 1617/8 St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel, Middlesex, Elizabeth Fisher, will 6 June-17 July 1644


3I. STEPHEN (STEPHEN 1)

bpt. 30 Apr. 1581 Upper Clatford, Hampshire

m.1. MARY ______ (bur. 9 May 1613 Hursley)
2. 19 Feb. 1617/8 St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel, Middlesex, Elizabeth Fisher (d. between 1640 & 1644)
will 6 June-17 July 1644

All Saints Church- Upper Clatford

Stephen was fined on 19 May 1608 at the Merdon Manorial Court, however, the reason was not recorded.

In 1609 Stephen left his wife and three small children to sign on with the Third Supply, a fleet of nine ships taking 500 settlers and supplies to Jamestown. Having no money to invest, and no rank of any kind, Stephen's name does not appear on the list of Virginia Company investors. Instead, he is lumped with the anonymous "sailors, soldiers, and servants" on the fleet's flagship, the Sea Venture. He is later described by William Strachey, who chronicled the voyage of the Sea Venture, as "A fellow who had much knowledge in the Scriptures, and could reason well therein" and therefore was chosen by Chaplain Richard Buck "to be his Clarke, to reade the Psalmes, and chapters upon Sondayes at assembly of the Congregation under him."

In his contract with the Virginia Company, Stephen would serve three years as an indentured servant, his labors profiting those who had financed the venture. In exchange, he would receive free transportation, food, lodging, and 10 shillings every three months for his family back home. At the end of three years, he would be freed from his indenture and given 30 acres in the colony.

On May 15, 1609, the Sea Venture, under the command of Sir George Somers, admiral of the fleet, with Christopher Newport as captain and Sir Thomas Gates, Governor of the colony, sailed down the Thames followed by the rest of the Virginia Company's fleet, the Falcon, Diamond, Swallow, Unity, Blessing, Lion, and two smaller ships.

Hodges writes, "For seven weeks the ships stayed within sight of each other, often within earshot, and captains called to one another by way of trumpets. On the Sea Venture all was peaceful. Morning and evening, Chaplain Buck and Clerk Hopkins gathered the passengers and crew on deck for prayers and the singing of a psalm."

The ships were only eight days from the coast of Virginia, when they were suddenly caught in a hurricane, and the Sea Venture became separated from the rest of the fleet. William Strachey chronicled the Sea Venture's final days:

"On St. James Day, being Monday, the clouds gathering thick upon us and the wind singing and whistling most unusually, a dreadful storm and hideous began to blow from out the northeast, which, swelling and roaring as it were by fits, at length did beat all night from Heaven; which like a hell of darkness, turned black upon us . . . For four-and-twenty hours the storm in a restless tumult had blown so exceedingly as we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence; yet did we still find it not only more terrible but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storm urging a second more outrageous than the former . . . It could not be said to rain. The waters like whole rivers did flood in the air. Winds and seas were as mad as fury and rage could make them. Howbeit this was not all. It pleased God to bring greater affliction yet upon us; for in the beginning of the storm we had received likewise a mighty leak."

The ship had begun to take on water and every man who could be spared went below to plug the leaks and work the pumps. The men worked in waist-deep water for four days and nights, but by Friday morning they were exhausted and gave up.

Another chronicler, Silvester Jourdain, wrote that some of the men, "having some good and comfortable waters [gin and brandy] in the ship, fetched them and drunk one to the other, taking their last leave one of the other until their more joyful and happy meeting in a more blessed world." Then there was a crash and the Sea Venture began to split seam by seam as the water rushed in. Jourdain continues:

"And there neither did our ship sink but, more fortunately in so great a misfortune, fell in between two rocks, where she was fast lodged and locked for further budging; whereby we gained not only sufficient time, with the present help of our boat and skiff, safely to set and convey our men ashore . . . "

The Sea Venture had been thrown upon a reef about a mile from Bermuda, then known as the "Isle of the Devils." Those who could swim lowered themselves into the waves and grasped wooden boxes, debris, or anything that would keep their heads above water. Stephen made it to shore clutching a barrel of wine. The entire crew, including the ship's dog, survived.

As it turned out, the Sea Venture did not break apart and the men were able to retrieve the tools, food, clothing, muskets, and everything that meant their survival. Most of the ship's structure also remained, so using the wreckage and native cedar trees, the 150 castaways immediately set about building two new boats so that they could complete their voyage to Jamestown.

The men were pleasantly surprised to find that the island's climate was agreeable, food plentiful, and shelters easily constructed from cedar wood and palm leaves. The Isle of the Devils, turned out to be paradise, and a few began to wonder why they should leave. Strachey recounts that some of the sailors, who had been to Jamestown with the Second Supply, stated that "in Virginia nothing but wretchedness and labor must be expected, there being neither fish, flesh, or fowl which here at ease and pleasure might be enjoyed."

The first attempt at mutiny was made by Nicholas Bennit who "made much profession of Scripture" and was described by Strachey as a "mutinous and dissembling Imposter." Bennit and five other men escaped into the woods, but were captured and banished to one of the distant islands. The banished men soon found that life on the solitary island was not altogether desirable and humbly petitioned for a pardon, which they received. But the clemency of the Governor only encouraged the spirit of mutiny. William Strachey notes that while Hopkins was very religious, he was contentious and defiant of authority and had enough learning to wrest leadership from others. On January 24, while on a break with Samuel Sharpe and Humfrey Reede, Stephen argued:

". . . it was no breach of honesty, conscience, nor Religion to decline from the obedience of the Governor or refuse to goe any further led by his authority (except it so pleased themselves) since the authority ceased when the wracke was committed, and, with it, they were all then freed from the government of any man . . .[there] were two apparent reasons to stay them even in this place; first, abundance of God's providence of all manner of good foode; next, some hope in reasonable time, when they might grow weary of the place, to build a small Barke, with the skill and help of the aforesaid Nicholas Bennit, whom they insinuated to them to be of the conspiracy, that so might get cleere from hence at their own pleasures . . . when in Virginia, the first would be assuredly wanting, and they might well feare to be detained in that Countrie by the authority of the Commander thereof, and their whole life to serve the turnes of the Adventurers with their travailes and labors. "

The mutiny was brought to a quick end when Sharpe and Reede reported Stephen to Sir Thomas Gates who immediately put him under guard. That evening, at the tolling of a bell, the entire company assembled and witnessed Stephen's trial:

". . . the Prisoner was brought forth in manacles, and both accused, and suffered to make at large, to every particular, his answere; which was onely full of sorrow and teares, pleading simplicity, and deniall. But he being onely found, at this time, both the, Captaine and the follower of this Mutinie, and generally held worthy to satisfie the punishment of his offence, with the sacrifice of his life, our Governour passed the sentence of a Maritiall Court upon him, such as belongs to Mutinie and Rebellion. But so penitent hee was, and made so much moane, alleadging the ruine of his Wife and Children in this his trespasse, as it wrought in the hearts of all the better sorts of the Company, who therefore with humble entreaties, and earnest supplications, went unto our Governor, whom they besought (as likewise did Captaine Newport, and my selfe) and never left him untill we had got his pardon." (1)

After pleading his way out of a hanging, Stephen continued his duties as Minister's Clerk and worked quietly with the others to finish the construction of the ships. On May 10, 1610, the men boarded the newly built Deliverance and Patience and set out for Virginia. They arrived in Jamestown on May 24, almost a full year after they had left England.

Over the winter, food had become so scarce that the settlers had been compelled to eat their horses, dogs, and even the flesh of those who had died. Only 50 of the 500 colonists remained. In contrast, the Bermuda crew were well-fed and healthy.

Strachey wrote of Jamestown, "the palisades torn down, the ports open, the gates off the hinges, and empty houses rent up and burnt, rather than the dwellers would step into the woods a stone's cast off to fetch other firewood. The Indians killed as fast, if our men but stirred beyond the bounds of their blockhouse, as famine and pestilence did."

The new arrivals calculated that the meal cakes they had brought with them would feed everyone for no longer than ten days. So it appeared that abandonment of the settlement was their only hope. The plan was for all to board the Patience and Deliverance and sail up the coast to Newfoundland where, at this time of year, they could find fishing vessels to take them home to England. They anchored that night off an island near the mouth of the James. The next morning they were surprised by an approaching longboat which brought the news that Lord Delaware was following with three shiploads of settlers and provisions to feed 400 for a year. The settlers from Jamestown returned to the abandoned colony and were at the gate of the fort to welcome the new governor when he dropped anchor on June 10th.

Delaware immediately set about restoring the broken down fort. By midsummer the gate and palisade were repaired, and there was a new chapel and three rows of houses inside the triangular fort. Jamestown finally seemed to be on solid footing.

In the meantime, Strachey's account of the wreck of the Sea Venture had made it back to England. Strachey was no stranger to the theater people who met regularly at the Mermaid Tavern, so it's probable that Shakespeare was among those who got a preview of the work. Some believe he used it as the basis for his farewell play, The Tempest, which relates the story of a shipwrecked group stranded on an enchanted island. In a play to be performed for the King, a rebel could only be shown as a clown or a villain, so Shakespeare created a drunken, mutinous butler (or bottler) with delusions of grandeur who he named Stephano. The play was first performed for King James on 1 Nov. 1611: "Hallomas nyght was presented att Whithall before the Kinges Magestie a play called the 'Tempest".

Hodges writes, "To have provided some of the fabric for Shakespeare's vision of The Tempest and to appear in the play, even in the absurd disguise as Stephano, this in itself is a kind of immortality for Stephen Hopkins."

Act I, Scene II-

... Prospero- But are they, Ariel, safe?
Ariel- Not a hair perish'd;
On their sustaining garments not a blemish,
But fresher than before: and, as thou bad'st me...
Prospero- Of the king's ship,
The mariners, say, how thou hast disposed,
And all the rest o' the fleet?
Ariel- Safely in harbour
Is the king's ship; in the deep nook, where once
Thou call'dst me up at midnight to fetch dew
From the still-vex'd Bermoothes [Bermuda], there she's hid:
The mariners all under hatches stow'd;
Whom, with a charm join'd to their suffer'd labour,
I have left asleep; and for the rest o' the fleet,
Which I dispersed, they all have me again;
And are upon the Mediterranean flote,
Bound sadly home for Naples;
Supposing that they saw the king's ship wreck'd,
And his great person perish..."

Act II, Scene I

Gonzalo- Had I a plantation of this isle, my lord...
And were the king of it, what would I do?...
I' the commonwealth, I would by contraries
Execute all things: for no kind of traffic
Would I admit: no name of magistrate;
Letters should not be known; no use of service;
Of riches, or of poverty; no contracts,
Successions; bound of land, tilth, vineyard, none:
No use of metal, corn, or wine, or oil:
No occupation; all men idle, all;
And women too; but innocent and pure:
No sovereignty:...
All things in common nature should produce
Without sweat or endeavour: treason, felony,
Sword, pike, knife, gun, or need of any engine,
Would I not have; but nature should bring forth,
Of its own kind, all foison, all abundance,
To feed my innocent people..."

Act II, Scene II

Stephano- What's the matter? Have we devils
Here? Do you put tricks upon us with savages
and men of Inde? Ha! I have not 'scaped
drowning, to be afeard now of your four legs...

I escaped upon a butt of sack,
which the sailors heaved overboard...

Act III, Scene II

Caliban- As I told thee before, I am subject to a
tyrant [Prospero]; a sorcerer, that by his cunning hath
cheated me of this island...
...'tis a custom with him
I' the afternoon to sleep: there thou mayst brain him,
Having first seized his books... Remember
First to possess his books; for with them he...
hath not one spirit to command: they all do hate him
As rootedly as I...

Stephano- Monster, I will kill this man: his daughter and I will be king and queen...

...This will prove a brave kingdom to me,
Where I shall have my music for nothing.
Caliban- When Prospero is destroyed.
Stephano- That shall be by and by...

The spirit Ariel is listening in on this treason and sets some other spirits in the form of hounds after the mutineers and brings them to Prospero and the others...

Act V

Stephano- Every man shift for all the rest, and let
no man take care for himself; for all is but fortune...

Alonso- Is not this Stephano, my drunken butler?...

Sebastian- Why, how now, Stephano?
Stephano- O, touch me not; I am not Stephano,
but a cramp.
Prospero- You'd be king of the isle, sirrah!
Stephano- I should have been a sore one then...
Prospero- Go... to my cell
Take with you your companions; as you look
To have my pardon...
Caliban- Ay, that I will; and I'll be wise hereafter,
And seek for grace. What a thrice-double ass
Was I to take this drunkard for a god,
And worship this dull fool!

Prospero's Epilogue

... Let me not,
Since I have my dukedom got,
And pardon'd the deceiver, dwell
In this bare island by your spell;
But release me from my bands
With the help of your good hands
Gentle breath of yours my sails
Must fill, or else my project fails,
Which was to please. Now I want
Spirits to enforce, art to enchant;
And my ending is despair
Unless I be relieved by prayer
Which pierces so, that it assaults
Mercy itself, and frees all faults.
As you from crimes would pardon'd be,
Let your indulgence set me free."

Several years later, the Virginia Company published a heavily sanitized version of Strachey's A True Reportory fearing that if the public knew the truth about Jamestown, there would be no more recruits.

Stephen does not appear on any of the lists of Jamestown colonists and, after his attempted mutiny, the assumption is that he was put on the first ship back to England. However, he is not in England in 1613 when his wife dies, and his later familiarity with Indians in Plymouth suggests that he may have spent several years in Jamestown.

The wreck of the Sea Venture was found by divers in 1958 and in 1978 the Bermuda Maritime Museum Association did an archaeological survey. The bottome of the hull was found confirming the large size of the ship. Only one gun was found and when the tompion was removed a cannon ball rolled out. Seventy-seven cannon shot were found along with thousands of shot for small arms. Several types of ceramics and cooking pots were found matching types found in Jamestown along with Devon coarse ceramics, Spanish jars, salt glazed stoneware from Germany and fine China.

From 1610 until 1614 survival remained the primary aim of the Jamestown colonists. The climate was unhealthy for Englishmen who were used to northern latitudes, and the settlers were constantly afflicted with "fluxes and agues." The Indians also posed a continual threat until April 5, 1614 when John Rolfe married Pocahontas, the daughter of Chief Powhatan. If Stephen had managed to get back into the good graces of the Jamestown authorities, it's not unreasonable to assume that he may have assisted Master Buck in performing the wedding ceremony.

"An inventory of the goods and Chattells of Mary Hopkins of Hursley in the Countie of South[amp]ton widowe deceased taken the tenth day of May 1613 as followeth vizt.

Inprimis certen Beames in the garden & wood in the back side
It[e]m the ymplem[en]ts in the Beehouse
It[e]m certen things in the kitchin
It[e]m in the hall one table, one Cupboorde & certen other things
It[e]m in the buttry six small vessells & some other small things
It[e]m brasse and pewter
It[e]m in the Chamber over the shop two beds one table & a forme with some other small things
It[e]m in the Chamber over the hall one fetherbed & 3 Chests & one box
It[e]m Lynnen & wearing apparrell
It[e]m in the shop one shopboarde & a plank
It[e]m the Lease of the house wherin she Late dwelled
It[e]m in ready mony & debts by specialitie & without specialitie
S[um] total xxv xj [25 pounds 11 shillings]

Gregory Horwood (his X mark)
William Toot
Rychard Wolle"(2)

Stephen returned home sometime between 1613 and 1617, perhaps with the intent of selling his belongings in England and bringing his family to their new home in Virginia. After having survived shipwreck and the perils of Jamestown, it must have been a great blow to find his wife and estate gone, and his children entrusted to the care of the Church.

By late 1617 Stephen and his children had settled into a home just outside of the east wall of London, where he was said to be working as a tanner. On February 9, 1618, in the local church of St. Mary Matfellon in Whitechapel he married Elizabeth Fisher. In late 1618 Elizabeth and Stephen added another child to the family, a daughter they named Damaris.

St. Mary Matfellon- Whitchapel

Nearby the Hopkins' home was the famous Henage House, a mansion that had been converted into apartments which housed a number of nonconformists. Among these were Robert Cushman, John Carver, and William Brewster, members of the Scrooby Separatist congregation who had fled to Leyden, Holland years earlier to escape religious persecution. The three had returned to raise money for a patent to create a settlement in the New World for their congregation now living in exile in Holland.

Capt. John Smith's Map of New England

Stephen, his wife and children, and his two servants embarked on the "Mayflower" in London at the end of June 1620 for Southampton where they met the "Speedwell" which had arrived from Leyden on 2 July. They sailed from Southampton on 5 Aug. but, because of the poor condition of the "Speedwell" they sailed to Plymouth where it was decided that the "Speedwell" should not continue. Some of the passengers returned to London and the rest sailed on the "Mayflower" on 6 Sept. and reached Provincetown, MA on 11 Nov.

"The names of those which came over first, in the year 1620, and were by the blessing of God the first beginners, and in a sort the foundation of all the Plantations and Colonies in New England; and their families...
"Mr. Stephen Hopkins and Elizabeth his wife, and two children called Giles and Constanta, a daughter, both by a former wife. And two more by this wife called Damaris and Oceanus; the last was born at sea. and two servants called Edward Doty and Edward Lester."(3)

Page from Bradford's history listing the Hopkins family

Stephen signed the Mayflower Compact on that date, his name being fourteenth on the list.

"I shall ... begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore ; being the first foundation of their government in this place. Occasioned partly by the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amonst them had let fall from them in the ship: That when they came ashore they would use their own liberty, for none had power to command them, the patent they had being for Virginia and not for New England... And partly that such an act by them done, this their condition considered, might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure. "The form was as followeth : IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc. Having undertaken, for the Glory of God and advancement of the Christian Faith and Honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the First Colony in the Northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence of God and one of another, Covenant and Combine ourselves together into a Civil Body Politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions and Offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. Anno Domini 1620."(4)

Bradford's Copy of the Mayflower Compact

On 15 Nov. 1620 16 men went ashore "under the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish, unto whom was adjoyned for counsell and advise, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley." They arrived back at the ship on the 17th.

Frontispiece of "Mourt's Relation"- published 1622

The story of the "First Encounter" appears both in Mourt's Relation, published in London in 1622, and (in a condensed version) in William Bradford's Of Plymouth Plantation.

"Wednesday, the sixth of December [1620]. It was resolved our discoverers should set forth ... So ten of our men were appointed who were of themselves willing to undertake it, to wit, Captain Standish, Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Howland, and three of London, Richard Warren, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Doten, and two of our seamen, John Alderton, and Thomas English. Of the ship's company there went two of the master's mates, Master Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and three sailors ..."(5)

" ... the 6th of December [1620] they sent out their shallop again with ten of their principal men and some seamen, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was very cold and it froze so hard as the spray of the sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glazed. Yet that night betimes they got down into the bottom of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw some ten or twelve Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league or two from them ... they made themselves a barricado with logs and boughs as well as they could in the time, and set out their sentinel and betook them to rest, and saw the smoke of the fire the savages made that night. When morning was come they divided their company, some to coast along the shore in the boat, and the rest marched through the woods to see the land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came also to the place where they saw the Indians the night before, and found they had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus ...
"So they ranged up and down all that day, but found no people, nor any place they liked. When the sun grew low, they hasted out of the woods to meet with their shallop ... of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all that day since the morning. So they made them a barricado as usually they did every night, with logs, stakes and thick pine boughs, the height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from the cold and wind (making their fire in the middle and lying round about it) and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should surround them; so being very weary, they betook them to rest. But about midnight they heard a hideous and great cry, and their sentinel called "Arm! arm!" So they bestirred them and stood to their arms and shot off a couple of muskets, and then the noise ceased. They concluded it was a company of wolves or such like wild beasts, for one of the seamen told them he had often heard such noise in Newfoundland.
"So they rested till about five of the clock in the morning; for the tide, and their purpose to go from thence, made them be stirring betimes. So after prayer they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning it was thought best to be carrying things down to the boat ...
"But presently, all on the sudden, they heard a great and strange cry, which they knew to be the same voices they heard in the night, though they varied their notes; and one of their company being abroad came running in and cried, "Men, Indians! Indians!" And withal, their arrows came flying amongst them. Their men ran with all speed to recover their arms, as by the good providence of God they did. In the meantime, of those that were there ready, two muskets were discharged at them, and two more stood ready in the entrance of their rendezvous but were commanded not to shoot till they could take full aim at them. And the other two charged again with all speed, for there were only four had arms there, and defended the barricado, which was first assaulted. The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw their men run out of the rendezvous toward the shallop to recover their arms, the Indians wheeling about upon them. But some running out with coats of mail on, and cutlasses in their hands, they soon got their arms and let fly amongst them and quickly stopped their violence ...
"Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies and give them deliverance; and by his special providence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurt or hit, though their arrows came close by them and on every side [of] them; and sundry of their coats, which hung up in the barricado, were shot through and through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of their arrows and sent them into England afterward by the master of the ship, and called that place the FIRST ENCOUNTER."(6)

January 1621 : "Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of military orders among ourselves; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. And as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages presented themselves upon the top of a hill, over against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and less, and made signs unto us to come unto them; we likewise made signs unto them to come unto us. Whereupon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent two over the brook, towards them, to wit, Captain Standish and Stephen Hopkins, who went towards them. Only one of them had a musket, which they laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of peace and to parley with them. But the savages would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill; but no more came in sight."(7)

On 17 Feb. 1620/1 two Indians appeared on the top of a hill and motioned for the settlers to come to them. Miles Standish and Stephen were sent to them but, they disappeared.

On 16 Mar. 1620/1 Samoset came to Plymouth and stayed in Stephen's house. On 2 July 1621 Edward Winslow and Stephen were sent by Gov. Carver to see Massasoit and visited he chief at his residence in Warren, RI with the assistance of Squanto. They arrived back at Plymouth on 7 July.

12 July 1621 : "Having in some sort ordered their business at home, it was thought meet to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoit, and to bestow upon him some gratuity to bind him the faster unto them; as also that hereby they might view and country and see in what manner he lived, what strength he had about him, and how the ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So the second of July they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with the foresaid Squanto for their guide; who gave him a suit of clothes and a horseman’s coat, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short commons and came both weary and hungry home. For the Indians used then to have nothing so much corn as they have since the English have stored them with their hoes, and seen their industry in breaking up new grounds therewith.
"They found his place to be forty miles from hence, the soil good and the people not many, being dead and abundantly wasted in the late great mortality, which fell in all these parts about three years before the coming of the English, wherein thousands of them died. They not being able to bury one another, their skulls and bones were found in many places lying still above the ground where their houses and dwellings had been, a very sad spectacle to behold. But they brought word that the Narragansetts lived but on the other side of that great bay, and were a strong people and many in number, living compact together, and had not been at all touched with this wasting plague."(8)

Massasoit and the Pilgrims

When Massasoit returned, the Englishmen greeted him by firing their guns in salute. He welcomed them into his house, where Squanto acted as interpreter. They gave Massasoit a red cotton horseman's coat and copper necklace, which he immediately donned and modeled for the entertainment of his tribe.

As diplomat, Winslow suggested that Massasoit's people should only come to Plymouth with the consent of the chief, since the colony was short of food and could no longer entertain an unlimited number of guests. They also stated that they wanted to repay the Nauset for the corn they had taken from their mounds, and asked if Massasoit would send word to them. Winslow also asked for trading goods, such as beaver skins, which could be sent back to England.

Massasoit agreed to all their requests and gave a lengthy speech explaining the matter to his people and naming all thirty of his villages that were bound by the agreement. He ended his speech after pledging loyalty to the English King, and telling the pilgrims that he felt sorry for King James whose wife, Queen Anne, had died in 1619. He then lit tobacco for them, and they discussed matters in England, particularly how the King was getting along without a wife.

When the group retired, Stephen and Winslow were invited to join the chief and his wife in their bed. By custom, the bed had to be full, so two other tribal leaders crowded in the remaining space. The four Wampanoags quickly put themselves to sleep through rhythmic chanting, but the Pilgrims had a restless night. The bed was full of lice and fleas, but moving outside meant they would be eaten alive by mosquitoes. Winslow later complained that they were more weary "of their lodging, than of their journey."

The next day the Wampanoags held games with beaver skins as prizes. The pilgrims didn't participate, but were asked to demonstrate their skills as marksmen. At noon, forty men gathered to share a meager lunch of three large fresh water fish. The Pilgrims spent another night with the Wampanoags, but told the chief they must be returning home to keep the Sabbath.

They rose before sunrise the next day and departed with the six Indians who had brought them. They shared the last of their food with their guides who surprised them the next morning with a breakfast of fresh fish. They were caught in a "great storm" on the last day and reached Plymouth wet and weary, but elated with success.

Stephen and Squanto had barely recuperated from their trip, when they were asked to join a search party to find young John Billington. They soon learned that he had been found in the woods by the unfriendly Nausets, so they gathered their courage and rowed the shallop to the Nauset village.

Hearing that the pilgrims were coming, Chief Aspinet met the boat with "no less than a hundred of his men," but the colonists had nothing to fear. With Squanto's help, they understood that the pilgrims had come in peace and wished to pay for the corn they had taken. A great train of men then carried the boy through the water to the boat unharmed and bedecked with beads. The colonists thanked Chief Aspinet and the man who had found Billington with gifts of knives.

Plymouth's first criminal act was committed by Stephen's indentured servants, Edward Dotey and Edward Leister. While Stephen was off on one of his expeditions that first summer in Plymouth, the two men began to compete for the affections of his daughter, Constance. After an open quarrel, they went into the woods with swords and daggers and returned with wounds in the hand and thigh.

Dueling was illegal, and Stephen returned home to find his servants in handcuffs and awaiting trial. After finding the men guilty, Governor Bradford consulted William Brewster's book of English law which prescribed that the men have their necks tied to their feet and remain in that agonizing position for twenty-four hours in the town square.

Stephen couldn't bear their suffering and implored Governor Bradford and Captain Standish to set the men free. "Within an hour," says an early record, "because of their great pains, at their own and their master's humble request, they were released by the Governor."

"They begane now to gather in ye small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being well recovered in health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which yey tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All ye somer ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degree). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they took many, besids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports. "(9)

Edward Winslow describes the first Thanksgiving at Plymouth.

"Our Corne [wheat] did prove well, & God be praysed, we had a good increase of Indian Corne, and our Barly indifferent good, but our Pease not worth the gathering, for we feared they were too late sowne, they came up very well, and blossomed, but the Sunne parched them in the blossome; our harvest being gotten in, our Governour sent foure men on fowling, that so we might after a more speciall manner reioyce together, after we had gathered the fruit of our labors; they foure in one day killed as much fowle, as with a little helpe beside, served the Company almost a weeke, at which time amongst other Recreations, we exercised our Armes, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest King Massasoyt, with some nintie men, whom for three dayes we entertained and feasted, and they went out and killed five Deere, which they brought to the Plantation and bestowed upon our Governour, and upon the Captaine, and others. And although it be not alwayes so plentifull, as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodneses of God, we are so farre from want, that we often wish you partakers of our plenty."

In 1623 Stephen was alloted 6 acres in the division of land on the south side of the brook:

"And so assigned to every family a parcel of land, according to the proportion of their number, for that end, only for present use (but made no division for inheritance) and ranged all boys and youth under some family. This had very good success, for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corn was planted than otherwise would have been by any means the Governor or any other could use, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave far better content. The women now went willingly into the field, and took their little ones with them to set corn; which before would allege weakness and inability; whom to have compelled would have been thought great tyranny and oppression."(10)

Plymouth Colony Records, Deeds, &c, Vol. I 1627-1651 is the oldest record book of the Plymouth settlement. It begins with the 1623 Division of Land, recorded in the handwriting of Governor William Bradford. The lands of Stephen Hopkins were among those designated as "their grounds which came first over in the May Floure, according as thier lotes were case" and described in this way "these lye on the South side of the brook to the woodward opposite to the former… Steuen Hopkins."

The name of "Steven Hopkins" is followed by the names of 2 Edwards, no last name given, possibly representing Edward Dotey and Edward Lester.

In 1624 Captain John Smith visited Plymouth and reported, "At New Plymouth is about 180 persons, some cattle and goats, but many swine and poultry, and thirty-two dwelling houses." The houses which lined Plymouth's main street were made in the traditional English manner with clapboards, wattle and daub, and oil-paper windows.

"Stephen and Elizabeth Hopkins" at their home at Plimouth Plantation
(Must say they look good for being 430 years old!)

On 22 May 1627 the cows and goats were divided among the settlers with Lot No. 7 going to Stephen and his family, the Snows, Palmers, and Billingtons. This lot consisted of two calves and two goats:

"At a publique court held the 22th of May it was concluded by the whole Companie, that the cattell wch were the Companies, to wit, the Cowes & the Goates should be equally devided to all the psonts of the same company ... & so the lotts fell as followeth, thirteene psonts being pportioned to one lot... "the seauenth lott fell to Stephen Hopkins & his company Joyned to him (2) his wife Elizabeth Hopkins (3) Gyles Hopkins (4) Caleb Hopkins (5) Debora Hopkins (6) Nickolas Snow (7) Constance Snow (8) William Pallmer (9) ffrances Pallmer (10) Willm Pallmer Jnor (11) John Billington Senor (12) Hellen Billington (13) ffrancis Billington.

To this lott fell A black weining Calfe to wch was aded the Calfe of this yeare to come of the black Cow, wch pueing a bull they were to keepe it vngelt 5 yeares for common vse & after to make there best of it. Nothing belongeth of thes too, for ye companye of ye first stock: but only half ye Increase. To this lott ther fell two shee goats: which goats they posses on the like terms which others doe their cattell."

In 1621, King James I authorized the Council for New England to plant and govern land in this area. This Council granted the Peirce Patent, confirming the Pilgrims' settlement and governance of Plymouth. Peirce and his associates, the merchant adventurers, were allotted 100 acres for each settler the Company transported. The Pilgrims had a contract with the Company stating all land and profits would accrue to the Company for 7 years at which time the assets would be divided among the shareholders. Most of the Pilgrims held some stock. The Pilgrims negotiated a more favorable contract with the Company in 1626. In 1627, 53 Plymouth freemen, known as "The Purchasers," agreed to buy out the Company over a period of years. In turn, 12 "Undertakers" (8 from Plymouth and 4 from London) agreed to pay off Plymouth's debts in return for trade benefits.

The list we have of the 1626 Purchasers comes from the Plymouth Colony Records. It lists the names of "Stephen Hopkins" along with William Bradford, Miles Standish and Isaac Allerton.

The Hopkins home sat across from Governor Bradford's on the eastern corner of Main and Leyden. It was one of the largest houses in Plymouth to accommodate its large family. By 1627 each house had a fenced garden with flowers and herbs. The Hopkins also had a barn, dairy, cow shed, and small apple orchard. Both Damaris and Oceanus died around 1626, but five new children, Caleb, Deborah, Damaris (again), Ruth, and Elizabeth, were born between 1622 and about 1630. Constance moved out in 1628 when she married carpenter Nicholas Snow who had sailed on the Anne.

1 January 1632 : "At a Court held the first of January, 1632, in the eighth Yeare of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, Charles, by the Grace of God, King of Engl., Soct., Fr., & Irel., Defender of the Faith, &c…
"At the same Court Edward Wynslow was chosen Govr, & held and was sworne to administer justice in that place for the yeare to come.
"Likewise Mr william Bradford, Capt Myles Standish, John Howland, John Alden, John Done, Stephen Hopkins, & William Gilson were chosen for the Councell the same yeare at the same court, who held & received the oath."(11)

10 January 1632 : "The Acts of the Cowncell between the Court held the 2d of Jan., 1632, & the of Aprill, 1633…
"Thomas Brian, the servt of Samueel Eedy, was brought before the Govr, & Mr Will Bradford, Mr Jone Done, Steph Hopkins, & Will Gilson, Assistant, because the said Thomas had runne away & absented himselfe fiue daies from his masters service, and being lost in the wood, and fownd by an Indian, was forced to returne; and for this his offence was privately whipped before the Govr and Cowncell aforemenconed."(12)

1633 : "The Names of the Freemen of the Incorporacon of Plymoth in New England, An: 1633. Edward Wynslow, Govr. Capt Myles Standish, William Bradford, John Howland, John Alden, John Done, Stephen Hopkins, William Gilson…"(13)

1 January 1633 : "At this Court, Mr Thomas Prence was elected Govr for the yeare following, and to enter upon the place the first of March or the 27 of the same, and to execute the office of Govr for one whole yeare from the time of his entry.
"At the same time, Edw: Wynslow, Mr Will Bradford, Mr Isaack Allerton, Mr Joh Alden, Mr Joh Howland, & Mr Stephen Hopkins chosen to the office of Assistant to the said Govr, & to enter therupon with the said Govr elect as foresaid."(14)

2 January 1633 : "An Inventory of the goods & Chattels of Samuel ffuller thelder as they were prised by Stephen Hopkins & Joh. Jenny & presented in Court Jan. 2d An. 9 Dom…"(15)

25 March 1633 : "According to an order in Court held the 2d of January, in the seaventh yeare of the raine of or soveraigne lord, Charles, by the grace of God King of Engl., Scot., France, & Irel., defendor of the faith, &c, the psons heere under menconed were rated for publike use by the Govr, Mr Will Bradford, Capt Myles Standish, Joh: Alden, Joh: Howland, John Done, Stephen Hopkins, Will Gilson, Sam Fuller, Senior, John Genny, Godbert Godbertson, & Jonathan Brewster, to be brought in by each pson as they are heere under written, rated in corne at vi8 p bushel, at or before the last of November next ensuing, to such place as shall be heereafter appointed to receiue the same. And for default heereof, the value to be doubled, & accordingly leavies by the publick offier for yt end "Edward Wynslow, Govr, 02:05:00, Mr. Will Bradford, 01:16:00 … John Jenny, 01:16:00, Stephen Hopkins, 01:07:00, Jonathan Brewster, 01:07:00…"(16)

27 March 1633 : "According to an order in Court held the 2d of Jan., in the ninth yeare of the raigne of our sov. Lord, Charles, by the grace of God King of Engl., Scot., fr., & Ire., defendr of the faith, &c, the psons heerunder menconed were rated for publick use by the Govr & Mr Tho. Prence, Mr Will Bradford, Capt Myles Standish, John Howland, Stephen Hopkins, John Done, Will Gilson, Will Collier, Joh. Jenny, Robt Heek, Jonathan Brewster, Kenelm Wynslow, & Stephen Deane, to be brought in by each pson as they are heerunder written, rated in corne at vj ss p bushell, at or before the last of Novbr next ensuing, to such place as shall be heerafter appointed to receiue the same; and for default heerof, the value to be doubled, & accordingly levied by the publick officer for that end. "Edw: Wynslow, 02:05:00, Mr Will Bradford, 01:07:00, capt Myles Standish, 00:18:00, Mr Will Brewster, 01:07:00, Isaack Allerton, 01:16:00, Joh Howland, 01:04:00, Joh Alden, 01:04:00, Steph Hopkins, 01:00:00, Mr Will Collier, 02:05:00…"(17)

1 July 1633 : "These things following were determined and enacted…
"That Capt Myles Standish, John Done, Stephen Hopkins, Josuah Prat, Edward Bang, Jonathan Brewster, & Robt Heek devide the medow ground in the bay equally, according to the proporcon of shares formerly devided to the purchasers at or before the last of Aug. next ensuing."(18)

1 July 1633 : "Orders about the mowing of Grasse for the prnt Yeare, 1633.
"It. That Mr Hopkins & Tho. Clarke where they mowed last yeare, except George Sowles cow, as before appointed."(19)

11 November 1633 : "At this Court, Phineas Prat appointed to take into his possession all the good & chattels of Godbert Godbertson & Zarah, his wife, & sfely to preserue them, according to an inventory presented upon oath to be true & just by Mr Joh. Done & Mr. Steph. Hopkins."(20)

25 November 1633 : "Joh. Thorp debtor to … To mrs ffuller 01:16:00, To mr Hopkins for divers ptics 05:07:00, To Will. Richards 00:05:06"(21)

25 November 1633 : "It was ordered..
"That whereas John Thorpe, carpenter, late of Duxburrow, in the liberties of Plymouth aforesaid, deceased, dyed indebted far more than the estate of the said John would make good, insomuch as Alice, his wife, durst not administer, it was ordered, that Capt Myles Standish, Gent., & Stephen Hopkins should enter upon his estate, according to an inventory presented upon oath by the said alice, his wife, in the behalfe of the Court, that so the creditors might be satisfyed, so far as the estate will make good, and the widow be freed from & acquitted of all & all manr of claime or claimes or demand by all & every his creditors whatsoever."(22)

1 January 1634 : "Mr. William Bradford was elected gouernour, & to enter vponit the first Tuesday in march next ensueing, & to serue from the same time one whole yeare.
"At the same time wer elected for Asistants, to enter with the Gouernour the day aboue mentioned, and to continue the whole yeare, -- Mr Tho. Prince, Mr Edward Winsloe, Mr John Alden, Mr Steuen Hopkins, Captayne Miles Standish, Mr John Houland, Mr William Collier."(23)

3 March 1634 : "At a Courte held ye 3 of March, an 1634, William Bradford elected Gouer, & Mr Winslow, Mr Prence, Capten Standish, Mr Howland, Mr Alden, Mr Hopkins, & Mr William Collier, Assistants, entered vpon their places."(24)

1 October 1634 : "Ovtober the 1, 1634. At a Court holden before the Gouernour & Assistants, it was determined concerning the trade that it to continue in the hands of the parteners till the next Court, all other persons excluded as formerly; and for furthering for a course for hereafter, were made chouyse of seuerall persons to treate with the now parteners. The persons made choyce of wer Mr St. Hopkins, Mr. william Colier, Mr Will Gilson, Antony Anible, Jonathan Brewster, John Winsloe, Manaseh Kempton, John Dunham, they hauing concluded to mete together about the midle of Nouember."(25)

2 October 1634 : "An Inventory of the goods of Steven Deans Deceased taken the 2 of October 1634 By Steven Hopkins & Robert Hicks…"(26)

5 January 1635 : "Mr. ed: Winslow was chosen Gouer, and William Bradford, Tho: Prence, John Alden, Wm Collier, Steuen Hopkins, Tim: Hatherly, John Browne, Assistants…
"At ye same Courte, Jane Waren sued Weekes for 50 li, which she had lent him, to be paid vpon demand. He was ordered to put so much goods into ye hands of Mr Hopkins & Kenelemne Winslowe as should contrauele ye money, & had 3 months time alowed to sell them, or other good, to make her paymente."(27)

1 March 1635 : "Edward Wynslow entred upon the place of governmt, & rd the oath to administer justice in yt place for the prnt yeare.
"Likewise, Mr William Bradford, Mr Tho: Prence, Mr Joh: Alden, Mr William Collier, Mr Stephen Hopkins, Mr Tymothy Hatherly, & Mr John Browne being chosen to assist the Govr in case of justice, as the Councell of this corporacon, rd the oath."(28)

14 March 1635 : "The placs heerafter menconed were assigned to the severall psons, or their prnt use the year 1636, vizt. : …
"That Mr Hopkins mow the marsh between Thomas Clarke and George Sowle, as aforesaid.
"That Mr Hopkins & Tho. Clarke haue that up the river, as formerly."(29)

7 March 1636 : "At a Genall Court holden at New Plymouth, for the whole Gourment, the vijth Day of March, 1636, in the xijth Yeare of the Raigne of our Souraigne Lord, Charles, by the Grace of God of England, Scotland, France, & Ireland, King, Defendor of the Fayth, &c.
"The Names of the Freeman: Mr. Bradford, Cournor, Edward Winslow, gen., William Bradford, gen., Thomas Prence, gen., Willm Collyer, gen., Capt Standish, John Alden, gen., Tymothy Hatherly, gen., John Jenney, gen., Steephen Hopkins, gen., John Browne, gen…"(30)

7 March 1636 : "Concerning the trade of beaver, corne, & beads, &c., with the Indians, it is agreed, by the consent of the Court, that they that now haue yt shall hold yt vntill the next Court, the beginning of June; and then further conference to be had for the mannageing thereof, that such further course may be taken therein as shalbe thought fitt. And in the meane season, Mr Hopkins, Mr Atwood, Mr Done, & Jonathan Brewster shalbe added to the gounor and Assistant, to aduise vpon such pposicons and wayes so as the said trade may be still continued to the benefit of the collony."(31)

20 March 1636 : "At a Genall Meeting the xxth of March, 1636, according to the Order of the Court, these Hey Grownd were assigned to the Inhabitants of Plymouth, Eele riuer, & Ducksbury.
"To eich pson as followeth, for theire vse this prnte yeare following, vizt, 1637 ; and then were psons also appoynmted to veiwe all the hey grounds wthin the limitts seually followinge, before the next Court, that eich man may be assigned a porcon as shalbe thought convenyent.
"The Messenger, Mr Hopkins, Manasseh Kempton, Edward Banges, were appoynted to veiw the hey grounds betwixt the Eele Riuer and the towne of Plymouth… "The pticular psons assigned this yeare as followeth for hey: … To Mr Hopkins & Thomas Clark, the hey ground they had the last yere…"(32)

7 June 1636 : "John Tisdale, yeoman, entreth an accon of battery against Steven Hopkins, Assistant to the govmt, by whom the said John was dangerously wounded, as he affirmeth."(33)

7 June 1636 : "At the same Court an accon of battery was tried between John Tisdale, yeoman, plaintiffe, & Stephen Hopkins, Assistant to the government, deft, wherein the deft, Stephen Hopkins, was cast in fiue pownd starling to our sov. lord the King, whose peace he had broken, wch he ought after a speciall manner to haue kept, and also in forty shilling to the plaintiffe, both which he was adjudged to pay."(34)

7 November 1636 : "The land at the fishing point, neer Slowly Field, being viewed and fownd too little for Tho. Pope, Rich. Clouch, & Rich. Wright, at fiue acres p pson, by consent was equally devided between them. Memorand. That a way was left betwen them & the land of Stephen Hopkins next adjoyning."(35)

2 January 1637 : "Presentment by the Grand Jury.
"1. William Reynolds is psented for being drunck at Mr Hopkins his house, that he lay vnder the table, vomitting in a beastly manner, and was taken vp betweene two. The witness hereof is Abraham Warr, als Hoop, als Pottle, and sayth that there was in company Francis Sprague, Samuell Nash, & Georg Partrich.
2. Mr Hopkins is psented for sufferinge excessiue drinking in his house, as old Palmer, James Coale, & William Renolds, John Winslow, Widdow Palmers man, Widdow Palmer, Thomas Little, witnesss & Stepheen Travy."(36)

5 February 1637 : "Mr Stephen Hopkins requesteth a graunt of lands towards the Six Mile Brooke."(37)

2 May 1637 : "It was ordered by this Court, that a jury should be empanelled to set forth the heigh wayes about Plymouth, Ducksborrow, and the Eele riuer, wch was according sumoned, and vpon the ninth day of May next after they appeared before the Gounor, and took their oathes to lay forth such heigh wayes about the towns of Plymouth, Ducksborrow, & the Eele Riuer equally & justly wthout respect of psons, and according as they shalbe directed by informacon of others, & as God should direct them in their discretion for the genall good of the colony, and wth as little pjudice to any mans pticuler as may be, and to marke the treeys vpon the said way, and so it to remayne a way foreuer…" (This continues in the entry for 7 July 1637).

7 June 1637 : "It is also enacted by the Court, that there shalbe thirty psons sent for land service, and as many others as shalbe sufficient to mannage the barque. "Lieftennant William Holmes is elected to goe leader of the said company.
"Mr Thomas Prence is also elected by lott to be for the counsell of warr…
"The Names of the Souldiers that willingly offer themselues to goe vpon the sd Service, with Mr Prince & the Leiftent.
"Voluntaries. Thomas Clarke, George Soule, Richard Church, Samuell Jenney … Willm Paddy, Mr Steephen Hopkins, John Hearker…
"It is also enacted by the Court, that Mr Hopkins and John Winslow for the towne of Plymouth, Mr Howland and Jonathan Brewster for the towne of Ducksborrow, and Mr Gilson and Edward Forster for the town of Scituate, shalbe added to Gounor and Assistants to assesse men towards the charges of the souldiers that are to be sent forth for the ayde of the Mattachusetts Bay and Connectacutt…
"Whereas the trade of beauer, &c, is now likely to goe in decay, in regard that they wch haue had it will not any longer hold yt, the Court hath referred it to Gounor and Assistants to advise and consider of a way and course how the said trade may be vpholden for the good of the whole collony; and for the better advisement therein haue joyned to the Gounor and Assistants Mr Hopkins, Mr Atwood, Mr Done, Thomas Willet, & John Winslow for Plymouth, Mr John Howland and Jonathan Brewster for Ducksborrow, and Josias Winslow for Scituate; and what way and course they shall agree and conclude xpon, the whole colony doth consent vnto…
"Whereas, according to the order of the Court, the Gounor and Assistants, with the help of Mr Hopkins and John Winslow for the town of Plymouth, Mr Howland and Jonathan Brewster for the town of Ducksborrow, and Mr. Gilson & Edward Foster for the towne of Scituate, haue mett together & considered of the charge in setting forth the souldiers, and fynd that it will amount vnto the sume of two hundred pounds, the wch is appoynted & concluded to be payd in manner following, vizt: one hundred pounds by the towneship of Plymouth & the liberties thereof, fifty pounds by the towneship of Duckborrow, and thother fifty pounds by the towneship of Scituate."(38)

 

The Pequot War of 1637, the first major conflict between Indians and colonists in New England, set a brutal precedent for subsequent Indian-European warfare. The Pequots were accused of murdering two Massachusetts Bay colony men, and refused to yield up the suspected killers. Colonial authorities decided to retaliate, a decision reinforced by Pequot resistance to new Connecticut settlements. On May 26, 1637, a force of white soldiers, along with Mohegan and Narragansett warriors, attacked the principal Pequot village, burned it, and slaughtered its inhabitants. The surviving Pequots were relentlessly pursued, until the tribe was largely destroyed.

Hodges writes, "When Massachusetts Bay called on Plymouth for help, the older colony was reluctant. Like most men at Plymouth, Stephen Hopkins was opposed to the Pequot War. It not only threatened the physical safety of the colony, but it could bring an end to the fur trade which was the best hope Plymouth had to lift its burden of debt . . . However when the call came for volunteers, Stephen Hopkins and his two sons Giles and Caleb were among the able-bodied men who offered themselves as soldiers . . . but before the Plymouth volunteers could organize themselves, the Pequot War ended."(39)

7 July 1637 [The calling of the jury is detailed in the 2 May 1637 entry] : "The Verdict of Order of thabovesaid Jury, pformed by them the tenth Day of May, 1637…
"To the Eele Riuer, from Plymouth. The wayes now in vse to Wellingsley bridge, and so the creeke, where wee allowe fiftie foote from the banke, & from the corner at Raph Wallens. The vpper way to Thomas Clarkes still; the lower way from Raph Wallens right out to Holmans Rock; allowed fourty foote on the west side, and so straight to Manasseh Kemptons ground, whose fence is to be remoued twenty foote inward, and so passing betweene two rocks at the brooke, straight to Edward Banges, leaueing his house west, and so along, leaueing Nicholas Snowes house eat, & and so to Mr Hopkins house, leaueing it east, and so vp the valley to Thomas Clarkes vper stile, the foote way to be continued from Mr Hopkins, in the old path, belowe Thomas Clarkes to the heigh way. The heigh way from Thomas Clarkes stille to passe between his house and his hoggs coate downe to George Soules, next the riur, and the said Georg to allow a sufficient way from thence on the riuer by a bridge, and so to another heighway alowed for that neighborhood; to the wch neighbourhood we allow a way from mr Hopkins house downe to a p--- that leads to the fishing poynt."(40)

2 October 1637 : "Whereas diuers were appoynted to take a view of the meadow grounds betwixt the Eele Riuer and the South Riuer, that there might be an equall diuision of them to eich man, and fynding the same by estimacon to amount vnto fiue hundred acrees, or thereabouts, the Court doth order, that Mr Willm Brewster, Mr Steephen Hopkins, Mr John Done, and John Winslowe, for the towne of Plymouth, Edward Banges for the Eele Riuer, Mr John Browne for Joanes Riuer, and Jonathan Brewster and Edmond Chaundler for Ducksborrow, shalbe added to the Gounor and Assistants, to agree vpon an equall course for the diuision of them, and to depute some certaine psons afterwards to make the said diuision."(41)

2 October 1637 : "Presentments, for Grand Inquest.
"Mr Stephen Hopkins, first psentment, (for suffering men to drink in his house vpon the Lords day, before the meeting be ended, and also vpon the Lords day, both before 7 after the meeting, servants & others to drink more then for ordinary refreshing) is respited vntill the next Court, that the testimony of John Barnes be had therein.
"Mr Steephen Hopkins, psented for suffering servants and others to sit drinkeing in his house, (contrary to the orders of this Court,) and to play at shouell board, & such like misdemeanors, is therefore fined fourty shillings."(42)

2 October 1637 : "Georg Clark complaynes agst Edward Dotey in an action vpon the case for denying him liberty to hold land for the terme he had taken yt for, to the damage of xx li. The jury found for the pltiff, and assessed xx s damnage, and the charges of the Court. Execucon granted.
"Georg Clarke complaines agst Edward Dotey, in an action of assault and battery, (for strikeing the plt,) to the damnage of v li. The jury found for the pltiff, and assessed xii d damnage, and the charges of the Court. Execucon granted.
"The jury names were these : Mr Stephen Hopkins, Mr John Done, Josias Winslow… Henry Howland."(43)

13 November 1637 : "An exact Inventory of all the mooveable goods of Willm Palmr thelder taken the XIIIth of Novembr 1637 by Jonathan Brewster Edmond Chandler William Basset & John Willis … "A records of 2 notes of bils, given in by mr Prence, of Palmers debts To mr Samuell Maverick 03:03: 3 to John Soutly 03:00:00 To mr Cradocks agente 01:03:02 to mr Hopkins 01:12: 0"(44)

4 February 1638 : "Concerning Mr Steephen Hopkins and Dorothy Temple, his servant, the Court doth order, with one consent, that in regard by her couenant of indenture shee hath yet aboue two yeares to serue him, that the said Mr Hopkins shall keepe her and her child, or puide shee may be kept with food and rayment during the said terme ; and if he refuse so to doe, that then the collony pruide for her, & Mr Hopkins to pay it…
"Mr Steephen Hopkins is committed to ward for his contempt to the Court, and shall so remayne comitted vntill hee shall either receiue his servant Dorothy Temple, or else puide for her elsewhere at his owne charge during the terme shee hath yet to serue him …
8 February 1638 : "The viijt of Februar., 1638. Memorand : That whereas Dorothy Temple, a mayde servant dwelling with Mr Stephen Hopkins, was begotten with child in his service by Arthur Peach, who was executed for murther and roberry by the heigh way before the said child was borne, the said Steephen Hopkins hath concluded and agreed with Mr John Holmes, of Plymouth, for three pounds sterl., and other consideracons to him in hand payd, to discharge the said Steephen Hopkins and the colony of the said Dorothy Temple and her child foreuer ; and the said Dorothy is to serue all the residue to her tyme with the said John Holmes, according to her indenture."(45)

5 June 1638 : "Presentments by the Grand Jury…
"Mr Steephen Hopkins is prsented for selling beere for ij d the quart, not worth j d a quart. Witness, Kenelme Winslow.
"Item, for selling wine at such excessiue rates, to the opressing & impouishing of the colony. Kenelme Winslow & John Winslow, witnesses."(46)

7 August 1638 : "Liberty is graunted to Mr Steephen Hopkins to erect a house at Mattacheese, and cutt hey there this yeare to winter his cattle, puided that it be not to wthdraw him from the towne of Plymouth." Mattacheese was later called Yarmouth.(47)

4 September 1638 : "Fynes & Prsentments …
"Mr Steephen Hopkins, vpon two psentmnts against him the last Court, and three psentmnts this Court, for selling wine, beere, strong waters, and nutmeggs at excessiue rates, is fyned."(48)

On 30 Nov. 1638 he sold to Josiah Cooke for £ 6, six acres of land on the south side of Towne Brook in Plymouth.

On 4 Feb. 1638/9 it was determined that his servant, Dorothy Temple, had two years left to serve him and that he should keep her and her child during her term of servitude. If he refused to do so the colony was to provide for her and he was to pay for it. Stephen evidently refused for on the same day he was committed to the ward for contempt of court and to remain there until he would take care of his servant or provide for her elsewhere. Evidently the father of Dorothy's child was Arthur Peach who had been executed for murder and highway robbery. Dorothy and her child went to live with John Holmes of Plymouth after Stephen paid him £ 3 on 8 Feb.

3 December 1639 : "Mr Steephen Hopkins, vpon his psentment for selling a lookeing glasse for 16d, the like whereof was bought in the Bay for ix d is referred to further informacon.
"Mr Steephen Hopkins, for selling strong water wthout lycense, proued & confesed in Court, is fyned iiij li."(probably to the sucker who bought the mirror!) (49)

On 3 Mar. 1639/0 the General Court granted to the "purchasers or old comers" the privilege of choosing two or three plantations for themselves. On 1 Dec. 1640 they announced that they had chosen three tracts of land, one of which stretched across Cape Cod from Yarmouth to three miles east of Namskaket. Stephen was one of the 53 grantees. On 7 Dec. 1641 Stephen sued James Luxford for a debt of £ 12/10.

1 June 1640 : "Mr John Done, Thomas Willett, Mr John reynor are graunted tenn of meddow a peece in the meddow by Joaned Riuer called , and Nathaniell Sowther a pcell of acres, Phineas Pratt fiue acres, Manasseh Kempton acrd, & Mr Hopkins ."(50)

2 November 1640 : "These seuall psons following are graunted meddowing in the North Meddow by Joanes River : To Mr John Done twelue acres. To Mr Thom Willet twelue acres. To John Reynor tenn acres, & a hundred acres of vpland there abouts. To Mr Charles Chancey tenn acres. To Mr Stephen Hopkins twelue acres. To Nathaniell Souther seauen acres. To Phineas Pratt six acres. To Mr Willm Paddy tenn acres."(51)

4 January 1641 : "The Contributors for building a Bark of 40 or 50 Tunn, estimated at the Charge of 200 li. William Paddy, i eight part. Mr. Willm Hanbury, i eight part … Thomas Willet, i xvith part. Mr Hopkins, i xvith part. Edward Bangs, i xvith part."(52)

7 December 1641 : "John Dunham, Junior, complns agst the same for v x in John Waits hands, &c."
"Stephen Hopkins for 12 li 10 s."(53)

5 April 1642 : "Jonathan Hatch, by the consent of the Court, is appoynted to dwell wth mr Steephen Hopkins, & the said Mr Hopkins to haue a speciall care of him." Hatch had been sentenced to be whipped for "lying in the same bed" with his sister Lydia and "was taken as a vagrant, & for his misdemeanors was censured to be whipt, & sent from constable to constable to Leiftennant Davenport at Salem." (54)

William Chase mortgaged his house and land in Yarmouth to Stephen 8 June 1642 for £ 5.

7 November 1643 : "William Hanbury complns agst Abraham Pearse, in an action of trespas vpon the case, to the dam of x li. the jury fynd for the deffent, & the charges of the Court.
"Abraham Pearse complns agst Wm Hanbury, in an action of trespas, for xviii bushells of corne. The jury fynd for the pltiff xiv-teene bushells of Indian corne, & charges of the Court. Judgmt granted.
"Abraham Pearse complns agst Mr Wm Hanbury, in an action of assault & battery. the jury find for the pltiff iii s iiii d, and charges of the Court…
"The Juries Names.
"Mr Stephen Hopkins, Xpofer Waddesworth, Josias Winslowe…"(55)

"The last Will and Testament of Mr. Stephen Hopkins exhibited upon the Oathes of mr Willm Bradford and Captaine Miles Standish at the generall Court holden at Plymouth the xxth of August Anno dm 1644 as it followeth in these wordes vizt.

The sixt of June 1644 I Stephen Hopkins of Plymouth in New England being weake yet in good and prfect memory blessed be God yet considering the fraile estate of all men I do ordaine and make this to be my last will and testament in manner and forme following and first I do committ my body to the earth from whence it was taken, and my soule to the Lord who gave it, my body to b eburyed as neare as convenyently may be to my wyfe Deceased And first my will is that out of my whole estate my funerall expences be discharged secondly that out of the remayneing part of my said estate that all my lawfull Debts be payd thirdly I do bequeath by this my will to my sonn Giles Hopkins my great Bull wch is now in the hands of Mris Warren. Also I do give to Stephen Hopkins my sonn Giles his sonne twenty shillings in Mris Warrens hands for the hire of the said Bull Also I give and bequeath to my daughter Constanc Snow the wyfe of Nicholas Snow my mare also I give unto my daughter Deborah Hopkins the brodhorned black cowe and her calf and half the Cowe called Motley Also I doe give and bequeath unto my daughter Damaris Hopkins the Cowe called Damaris heiffer and the white faced calf and half the cowe called Mottley Also I give to my daughter Ruth the Cowe called Red Cole and her calfe and a Bull at Yarmouth wch is in the keepeing of Giles Hopkins wch is an yeare and advantage old and half the curld Cowe Also I give and bequeath to my daughter Elizabeth the Cowe called Smykins and her calf and thother half of the Curld Cowe wth Ruth and an yearelinge heiffer wth out a tayle in the keeping of Gyles Hopkins at Yarmouth Also I do give and bequeath unto my foure daughters that is to say Deborah Hopkins Damaris Hopkins Ruth Hopkins and Elizabeth Hopkins all the mooveable goods the wch do belong to my house as linnen wollen beds bedcloathes pott kettles pewter or whatsoevr are moveable belonging to my said house of what kynd soever and not named by their prticular names all wch said mooveables to be equally devided amongst my said daughters foure silver spoones that is to say to eich of them one, And in case any of my said daughters should be taken away by death before they be marryed that then the part of their division to be equally devided amongst the Survivors. I do also by this my will make Caleb Hopkins my sonn and heire apparent giveing and bequeathing unto my said sonn aforesaid all my Right title and interrest to my house and lands at Plymouth wth all the Right title and interrest wch doth might or of Right doth or may hereafter belong unto mee, as also I give unto my saide heire all such land wch of Right is Rightly due unto me and not at prsent in my reall possession wch belongs unto me by right of my first comeing into this land or by any other due Right, as by such freedome or otherwise giveing unto my said heire my full & whole and entire Right in all divisions allottments appoyntments or distributions whatsoever to all or any pt of the said lande at any tyme or tymes so to be disposed Also I do give moreover unto my foresaid heire one paire or yooke of oxen and the hyer of them wch are in the hands of Richard Church as may appeare by bill under his hand Also I do give unto my said heire Caleb Hopkins all my debts wch are now oweing unto me, or at the day of my death may be oweing unto mee either by booke bill or bills or any other way rightfully due unto mee ffurthermore my will is that my daughters aforesaid shall have free recourse to my house in Plymouth upon any occation there to abide and remayne for such tyme as any of them shall thinke meete and convenyent & they single persons And for the faythfull prformance of this my will I do make and ordayne my aforesaid sonn and heire Caleb Hopkins my true and lawfull Executor ffurther I do by this my will appoynt and make my said sonn and Captaine Miles Standish joyntly supervisors of this my will according to the true meaneing of the same that is to say that my Executor & supervisor shall make the severall divisions parts or porcons legacies or whatsoever doth appertaine to the fullfilling of this my will It is also my will that my Executr & Supervisor shall advise devise and dispose by the best wayes & meanes they cann for the disposeing in marriage or other wise for the best advancnt of the estate of the forenamed Deborah Damaris Ruth and Elizabeth Hopkins Thus trusting in the Lord my will shalbe truly prformed according to the true meaneing of the same I committ the whole Disposeing hereof to the Lord that hee may direct you herein

June 6th 1644

Witnesses hereof By me Steven Hopkins
Myles Standish
William Bradford"

"The inventory of the goods of Stephen Hopkins, deceased 1644

                                                                                                     £    s   d
Inpris one brod horne Cowe                                                   05 10 00
it Mottlis Cowe                                                                         05 10 00
it Damaris heifer                                                                        05 00 00
it Red Cowe                                                                               05 05 00
it Curld Cowe                                                                            05 05 00
it Symkins Cowe                                                                       05 00 00
it brod Hornes calf                                                                   00 12 00
it white faced calf                                                                     00 15 00
it Cooles calf                                                                             00 14 00
it Symkins calfe                                                                        00 12 00
it a great Bull                                                                            08 00 00
it a mare                                                                                     06 00 00
it a yeong bull                                                                          01 05 00
it a yearling heiffer wthout a tayle                                        01 05 00
it a yok of oxen                                                                        15 00 00
it 2 pigges                                                                                 00 04 00
it poultry                                                                                   00 10 00
it a bed & boulster & one pillow                                           03 10 00
it another bed & boulster & pillow                                       03 10 00
it another feather bed & pillow                                              03 00 00
it another bed & boulster wth an old straw bed                 02 00 00
it 3 white blankets                                                                    01 00 00
it one covering                                                                          00 12 00
it one covring                                                                            00 04 00
it a yellow Rugg                                                                        00 08 00
it a greene Rugg                                                                        00 06 00
it 2 checkr blanketts                                                                  00 14 00
it curtaines and vallence                                                          00 10 00
it a scarfe                                                                                    00 06 00
it a pair of flanell sheets                                                           00 07 00
it one old paire of sheets                                                          00 05 00
it one paire of sheets                                                                 00 08 00
it 3 sheets                                                                                    00 10 00
it 4 pillow beares                                                                        00 12 00
it 5 napkins                                                                                 00 03 06
it 1 diapr napkins                                                                       00 02 06
it 3 table clothes                                                                         00 04 00
it 4 dymothy caps                                                                      00 02 00
it 2 white capps                                                                          00 03 00
it 2 wrought caps                                                                       00 02 06
it 2 shirts                                                                                     00 12 00
                                                                                                     86 06 06

it two paire of shooes                                                               00 06 00
it prs of cotton stockings                                                         00 02 06
it 4 spoones                                                                                01 08 00
it in money                                                                                  00 00 06
it claspes                                                                                     00 00 02
it a pair of garters                                                                       00 00 04
it 2 Ruffe                                                                                      00 07 00
it a paire of drawers                                                                   00 00 04
it a moheire petticote                                                                 01 15 00
it a petticote of phillip & cheny                                               01 00 00
it a grogorm coate                                                                      01 00 00
it a prpetuam coate                                                                    01 00 00
it a cloth coate                                                                            01 00 00
it a cloake                                                                                     01 10 00
it a gray cloak                                                                              01 10 00
it a suit of cloth                                                                            00 08 00
it a pair of breeches                                                                     00 03 00
it an old coate & jerkine                                                              00 10 00
it a muffe                                                                                        00 06 00
it 3 cusheons & a pair of breeches                                            00 04 00
it a chest                                                                                        00 08 00
it a chest                                                                                        00 06 00
it a case & bottel & box                                                              00 03 00
it a hogshead                                                                                00 01 00
it an old warmeing pann                                                              00 02 00
it a frying pann                                                                             00 01 00
it 6 porringers                                                                               00 05 00
it 2 porringers                                                                               00 01 00
it 4 wine measures                                                                       00 06 00
it 3 quart potts                                                                             00 06 00
it chamber potts                                                                           00 02 00
it 2 laten candlesticks                                                                 00 01 00
it 1 puter candlestick                                                                   00 01 00
it a pestell & morter                                                                     00 03 06
it a beere bowle & wine cup                                                       00 01 06
it a beaker                                                                                      00 00 06
it a salt seller                                                                                 00 01 00
it 2 funnells                                                                                   00 01 00
it 2 basens                                                                                     00 06 00
it a great dish                                                                                00 05 00
it 6 dishes                                                                                      00 14 00
it a little dish                                                                                 00 00 02
it earthen potts                                                                             00 00 06
it an Iron pott                                                                                00 05 00
it a bras pott                                                                                  00 08 00
it a cast skellet                                                                              00 05 00
it a smale skellet                                                                           00 01 06
it a great kettle                                                                              01 02 00
it a lesse kettle                                                                              00 06 00
it a smaler ketle                                                                             00 04 00
it another kettle                                                                            00 07 00
it 5 spoones                                                                                  00 01 00
it 1 dossen & half trenchers                                                       00 01 00
it two graters 2s                                                                            00 02 00
it a shooeing horne                                                                      00 00 01
it a paire of bellowes                                                                    00 01 00
it 4 paire of old pothookes                                                          00 03 00
it a fireshovell & tongs                                                                00 04 00
it two spitts                                                                                    00 03 06
it 3 paire of links                                                                            00 07 06
it a peece of a bar of Iron                                                             00 01 06
it a gridiron                                                                                     00 01 00
it 9 trayes                                                                                        00 09 00
it a churne                                                                                       00 04 00
it 2 chees vtts                                                                                 00 01 00
it a old Cullender                                                                            00 00 02
it 2 payles                                                                                        00 01 04
it wodden Mo                                                                                 00 01 06
it 2 wheeles                                                                                     00 07 00
it 2 chaires                                                                                       00 08 00
it 2 stooles                                                                                       00 02 00
it latten pans                                                                                   00 00 06
it a tubb & forme                                                                            00 12 00
it a cheane                                                                                       00 06 00
it a sive                                                                                            00 00 06
it old chest                                                                                      00 02 00
it a bakeing Tub                                                                             00 02 00
it old tubbs                                                                                     00 01 00
it feathers                                                                                        00 03 00
it 3 hoopes of Iron                                                                         00 01 06
it 1 sawe                                                                                          00 01 06
it a cheese rack                                                                              00 04 00
it 4 skins                                                                                         00 03 00
it an axe                                                                                          00 01 06
it a prcell hemp                                                                              00 02 06
it scales and waights                                                                    00 05 00
it Debts                                                                                           16 05 00
it Divers bookes                                                                            00 12 00
it more in Debts                                                                             01 01 00
it a hatt                                                                                            00 01 00

The inventory amounted to £128/16/7.

20 August 1644 : "Captaine Miles Standish & Mr Willm Bradford deposed to the last will & testament of Mr Steephen Hopkins, deceased. Caleb Hopkins, constituted executr thereof, exhibited an inventory all his goods & cattells vpon his oath."(56)

29 June 1652 : "The Court haue agreed with Captaine Standish about the house that was Mr Hopkinses, in which hee is to see that a convenient place bee made to keepe the common stocke of powder and shott, and the countrie to make vse thereof as they shall haue occation for the meetings of the comitties & juryes and oter such like vses; and it is to bee repaired att the countryes charge, provided, that when the owners doe make vse thereof, they are to make satisfaction for the repairing thereof."(57)

"And seeing it hath pleased Him to give me [William Bradford] to see thirty years completed since these beginnings, and that the great works of His providence are to be observed, I have thought it not unworthy my pains to take a view of the decreasings and increasings of these persons and such changes as hath passed over them and theirs in this thirty years…
"Mr Hopkins and his wife are now both dead, but they lived above twenty years in this place and had one son and four daughters born here. Their son became a seaman and died at Barbadoes, one daughter died here and two are married; one of them hath two children, and one is yet to marry. So their increase which still survive are five. But his son Giles is married and hath four children.
"His daughter Constanta is also married and hath twelve children, all of them living and one of them married."(58)

Steeple-crowned hat owned by Constance Hopkins- c.1615-1640

Issue-

·  I. Elizabeth- bpt. 13 Mar. 1604 Hursley, Hampshire, probably d.s.p. before 1620

·  II. Constance- bpt. 11 May 1606 Hursley, Hampshire, m.c.1625 Nicholas Snow (d. 15 Nov. 1676 Eastham), d. Oct. 1677 Eastham

·  3III. GILES- bpt. 30 Jan. 1607/8 Hursley, Hampshire, m. 9 Oct. 1639 CATHERINE WHELDEN, will 19 Jan. 1682/3

·  III. Damaris- b.c.1618/9, d.s.p. after May 1627

·  IV. Oceanus- b. on board the "Mayflower" between 6 Sept. and 11 Nov. 1620, d.s.p. before May 1627

·  V. Caleb- b. before 6 June 1623 Plymouth, d. before 1651 Barbados

·  VI. Deborah-b.c.1625 Plymouth, m. 23 Apr. 1646 Andrew Ring, d. before 1674

·  VII. Damaris- b. after 1627 Plymouth, m. after 10 June 1646 Jacob Cooke, d. before 18 Nov. 1669

·  VIII. Ruth- d.s.p. before 1 Oct. 1659

·  IX. Elizabeth- d.s.p. before 29 Sept. 1659

Ref:

(1) "A True Reportory of the Wracke and Redemption of Sir Thomas Gates, Knight: Upon and from the Islands of the Bermudas; his Coming to Virginia and the Estate of the Colony Then and After under the Government of the Lord de la Warr"- William Strachey
(2) Hampshire Record Office- 1613AD/046
(3) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 441-3
(4) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 75-76.
(5) Mourt's Relation, ed. Jordan D. Fiore (Plymouth, Mass. :Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985), p. 27-28.
(6) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 68-72.
(7) Mourt's Relation, ed. Jordan D. Fiore (Plymouth, Mass. :Plymouth Rock Foundation, 1985), p. 44.
(8) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 87.
(9) Ibid
(10) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 120.
(11) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 5.
(12) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 7.
(13) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 3.
(14) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 21
(15) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 2, p. 8.
(16) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 9
(17) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 26-27
(18) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 13-14.
(19) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 14-15
(20) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 19
(21) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 1, p. 60
(22) Plymouth Colony Records-Vol. 1, p. 19-20
(23) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 32
(24) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 3
(25) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 31
(26) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 2, p. 87
(27) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 36
(28) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 37-38
(29) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 39-41
(30) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 52
(31) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 54
(32) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 55-57
(33) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 41
(34) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 42
(35) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 46
(36) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 75
(37) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 76
(38) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 60-62
(39) Hopkins of the Mayflower-Hodges, Margaret- New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1972
(40) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 58-60
(41) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 67
(42) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 68
(43) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 7, p. 6-7
(44) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 3, p. 148-151
(45) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 111-113
(46) Plymouth Colony records- Vol. 1, p. 86-87
(47) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 93
(48) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 97
(49) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 137
(50) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 154
(51) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 166
(52) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 2, p. 31
(53) Plymouth Colony Records-Vol. 7, p. 27
(54) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 2, p. 38
(55) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 7, p. 35-36
(56) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 2, p. 75
(57) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 3, p. 14
(58) William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation 1620-1647- ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York : Knopf, 1991), p. 443-445.

"Stephen and Giles Hopkins- Mayflower Passengers"- James W. Hawes, Yarmouthport, 1915, pp.1-16


3I. GILES (STEPHEN 1, STEPHEN 2)

m. 9 Oct. 1639 Plymouth CATHERINE WHELDEN (d. after 1683)
will 19 Jan. 1682/3-16 Apr. 1690

Giles arrived in the "Mayflower" with his family in 1620. “At a publicque court held the 22th of May it was concluded by the whole Companie, that the cattell wch were the Companies, to wit, the Cowes and the Goates should be equally devided to all the psonts of the same company … & so the lotts fell as followeth, thirteene psonts being pportioned to one lot… “The seauenth lott fell to Stephen Hopkins & his company Joyned to him (2) his wife Elizabeth Hopkins (3) Gyles Hopkins (4) Caleb Hopkins (5) Debora Hopkins (6) Nickolas Snow (7) Constance Snow (8) William Pallmer (9) ffrances Pallmer (10) Willm Pallmer Jnor (11) John Billington Senor (12) Hellen Billington (13) ffrancis Billington. To this lott fell A black weining Calfe to wch was aded the Calfe of this yeare to come of the black Cow, wch pueing a bull they were to keepe it vngelt 5 yeares for common vse & after to make there best of it. Nothing belonging of thes too, for ye copanye of ye first stock : but only half ye Increase. To this lott ther fell two shee goats : which goats they posses on the like terms which others doe their cattell.” (1) On 7 June 1637 Giles, his father and his brother volunteered to serve in the Pequot War, but his services were not required:

7 June 1637 : “It is also enacted by the Court, that there shalbe thirty psons sent for land service, and as many others as shalbe sufficient to mannage the barque. “Leiftennant William Holmes is elected to goe leader of the said company. “Mr Thomas Prence is also elected by lott to be for the counsell of warr, and to goe forth with them… “the names of the Souldiers that willingly offer themselues to goe vpon the sd Service, with Mr Prince & the Leiftent. “Voluntaries. Thomas Clarke, Georg Soule, Richard Church, Samuell Jenney … John Jenkins, Jacob Cooke, Giles Hopkins, John Phillips, Thomas Goarton.”(2)

He moved to Yarmouth about 1638 and built the first house there. His house was in what is now Yarmouthport not far from the Barnstable line.

5 March 1638 : “Mr Nicholas Sympkins, Heugh Tilly, and Giles Hopkins were deposed to the last will and testament of Peter Werden, thelder, of Yarmouth, deceased.”(3)

1642: “Bradford Govr: A Deed Appointed to bee Recorded Novo Die Maij Ann: 1642
“Witnesseth these prsents that I Gyles hopkines of the Towne of yarmouth in the Collonie of New Plymouth planter have barganed and sold and by these prsents Doe bargan and sell unto andrew hallet Junir: of the same towne planter ten acres of upland bee it more or lesse lying and being in west field between the lands of Nicolas Simpkines on the northeast side and the lands of Robert Dennis on the southwest side with two acres of meddoe therunto Adjoyning att the nortwest end bee it more or lesse for and in consideration of two acres of upland and four acres of meddow bee itt more or lesse lying and being in the prime field in a furlong there called by the Name of Jack Daw furlong late in the tenure and possession of yelverton Crow of yarmouth aforsaid and two steer calves to mee in hand paied att the sealling of these prsents and eighteen bushells of good and marchantable Indian Corne to bee paied, ten bushels therof att in or upon the last Day of November now next ensewing the Day of the Date heerof and the other eight bushells att in and upon the last Day of November thence next enswing to have and to hold the said ten acres of upland and two acres of meddow with theire Appurtenances profitts and pquisites unto him the said Andrew hallet his heires Exequitors and assignes forever In Witness wherof I have heer to these prsents sett my hand and Seale Dated the Day and year first above written; the signe and seale of Gyles Hopkines
“Signed Sealled and Delivered in the prsence of anthony Thacher Elijah thacher”(4)

7 March 1642 : “Constables for eich towne, & Surveyrs of the Wayes … Yarmouth, Emanuell White, const, Willm Lumpkin, grand jur, Gyles Hopkins, Andrew Hellot, Jun, surveyrs…”(5)

3 May 1642 : “Whereas Mr Gray hath by Mr Paddy comenced a suite against Walter Devell for xiiij bushells of corne oweing by him to Mr Hedg, of Yarmouth, and ix bushells of corne oweing by him to Gyles Hopkins, of the same, the Court doth order, that the said Walter Deuell shall forthwth pay fiue bushells of corne either to Mr Paddy at Plym, or to Mr Gray at the stage, and wthin xxjtie dayes now next ensuing deliu the remaynder of the said xxiij bushels either to the said Mr Paddy or Mr Gray, and pay the damnage & charges of sending it to Yarmouth, or els execucon is graunted.” The court awarded £3/17/2 in damages.(6)

28 October 1644 : “Memorand. That Caleb Hopkins, sonn and heire vnto Mr Steephen Hopkins of Plymouth, deceased hath freely and absolutely giuen graunted enfeoffed and confirmed vnto Gyles Hopkins of Yarmouth Planter one hundred acrees of those lands taken up for the Purchasors of Satuckquett wch said lands do acrue vnto the said Steephen as a Purchasor To haue and to hold the said hundred acrees of lands with all and singuler thapprtencs therevnto belonging vnto the said Gyles Hopkins his heires and Assignes foreuer to the onely pper vse and behoofe of him the said Giles Hopkins his heires and Assignes foreur.”(7)

He took the oath of fidelity at Yarmouth and was of Yarmouth 28 Oct. 1644 when his brother Caleb sold 100 acres of land to him. He shortly thereafter moved to Nauset, later Eastham, now Orleans.

He was named one of the surveyors of highways for Nauset on 4 June 1650:
“Survayors for the Hiewayes … Nauset, Edward Banges, Gyels Hopkins.”(8)

3 October 1654 : “Gyles Hopkins complained against Mr Willam Leuerich, in an action of defamacion, to the damnage of fifty pound.
The jury find for the plaintife twenty pounds, and the charges of the Court, which comes to -

                                                             s d
It, to the jury,                                   06: 06
It, to the clarke,                                 3: 00
It, to the marshall                            00: 06
It, to the cunstable of Sandwich  00: 06

Judgment was graunted by the Court vnto the plaintife, according to the verdicte.”(9)

13 February 1659: “The 13th of ffebruary 1659
“Memorand: That Andrew Ringe of the Towne of Plymouth in the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth in New England in America: Planter Doth acknowlidge that for and in Consideration of a valluable sume to him alreddy payed by William Clarke of the Towne of Duxburrow in the Jurisdiction aforsaid planter; hee hath freely and absolutely with the Consent of Deborah his wife bargained allianated and sould enfeofed and Confeirmed; and Doth by these prsents bargaine sell enfeofe and Confeirme unto the said Willam Clarke a Certaine pcell of mersh meddow lying and being att the end of the salt house beach next Greens harbour being bounded with two Creekes; on each side one; the said meddow lying betwixt a pcell of mersh which was sometimes the mersh of mistris Jenings on the one side; and apcell of meddow now in the possession of Gorge Soule on the other side; Containing by estimation three acres or therabouts bee it more or lesse which was somtimes the mersh meddow of Gyles hopkins and by him sold to Thomas Clarke and by him sold to Andrew Ringe and by him now sold to Willam Clarke abovesaid…”(10)

3 June 1662 : “Surveyors of the Highwaies. Plymouth, Josepth Warren, Thomas Lettice, Francis Combe … Eastham, Gyles Hopkins, Thomas Paine.”(11)

5 June 1666 : “The Court have graunted vnto Gyles Hopkins, the widdow Mayo, of Eastham, and Jonathan Sparrow a certain psell of land neare Eastham, being a smale necke of land called Sampsons Necke, and the wast land lying between the head of the fresh water pond and the westerly bounds of the widdowe Mayoes land, and soe downe to the cove.”

5 June 1667 : “In reference vnto the graunt of land graunted vnto Gyles Hopkins, Jonathan Sparrow, and the widdow Mayo, the Court haue ordered Leiftenant Freeman either to purchase it or hier it for them as occation shall require, as hee shall see meet.”(12)

Giles sold lot No. 8 in what is now West Brewster, east of Quivet, 9 Nov. 1666 to John Wing of Yarmouth for a mare, colt and other land. Giles had owned this land as early as 1653.

5 March 1667 : “Wee, whose names are vnderwritten, being impanneled upon a jury, this first day of January, 1667, to serch and inquire, according to that measure of wisdome and discretion God hath giuen vs, concerning a child about five or six yeares old, which was kept by John Smalley, Senir, of Eastham, being found dead in the woods, about six or seauen miles from the house of John Smalley abouesaid, wee doe all judge, that it cam by his death by straying away, lost its right path to gitt home againe, and was killed by the cold.
“Benjamine Higgens, William Sutton, Samuell Doten, Elias White, Edmond Foard, Benjamine Spiller, Robert Wixam, Gyles Hopkins, Gorge Crispe, William Twining, Richard Knowles, John Younge.”(13)

5 June 1671 : “Surveyors of the Highwaies. Plymouth, Joseph Warren, Daniell Dunham, Jhn Dotey … East, Nicholas Snow, Gyles Hopkins…”(14)

21 August 1672: "To all Christian people to whom these presents writing shall come Pompmo Sachem and Simon his son Indians of Potonumacott in the Collonie of New Plymouth in New England sends Greeting;
Know yee that the said Pompmo Sachem and Simon his son for and in Consideration of the sume of fifteen pounds, to them in hand payed by Gyles Hopkins Jonathan Sparrow and Thomas Mayo; The Receipt wherof the said Pompmo sachem; and Symone his son doe heerby acknowlidg, and therof doth Clearly acquitt and discharge the said Gyles Hopkins JOnathan Sparrow and Thomas Mayo, theire heires and assignes for ever hath given Graunted bargained and sold unto the said Gyles Hopkins Jonathan Sparrow and Thomas Mayo theire heires and assignes; all our persell of Land lying and being between two rivers or coves Caled by the Name of Weesquamscutt; founding between the two said rivers or coves Round as the salt water goeth, att the head by a marked Red oake tree by Pottanumaquott river; and soe Runing Northwest to a Red oake tree marked by the pondsyde by a Necke of Swamp; soe Runing North westerly over a pond and thorough a swamp; unto two trees Marked upon a Range between the said Swamp and the head of Sisekecansett salt water Pond, Together with all and singulare its appurtenances; To have and to hold, all and singulare the before Granted and sold Premise, Together with theire appurtenances unto them the said Gyles Hopkins Jonathan Sparrow and Thomas Mayo theire heires and assignes for ever; and the said Pompmo Sachem and Symon his son att the time of the deliveryheer of, doe declare that they are the Right and lawfull owners of the afore bargained premises, and that they the Said Pompmo Sachem and Symon his son shall and will against any person or persons whatsoever warrant and for ever defend them the said Gyles Hopkins Jonathan Sparrow and Thomas Mayo theire heires and assignes for ever In Witnes wheerof they have heerunto sett theire hands and seales the twentyfirst day of august one Thousand six hundred seaventy and two;
The marke of Pompmo Sachem and a seale
The mark of Symon and a seale
Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of us John ffreeman John Juder; august the twenty first 1672 appeered before mee, Pompmo Sachem and Symon his son; and owned the above written to be theire acte and deed
John ffreeman Assistant."(15)

22 October 1686 : “Will of Robert Wixam of Eastham … to son Barnabas Wixam the rest of the thirty acres above the highway, all meadow and marsh in Great Namaskaket by the beach, and meadow at Rock Harbor between Daniel Cole and Gyles Hopkins…”(16)

"To all Christian people to whome these presents shall com know ye that I Giles Hopkins of Eastham being sick and weak of Body and yet of perfit memory do declare this as my Last will and Testament on this ninteenth day of January in ye year of our Lord 1682

I bequeath my Body to ye grave in decent burial when this Temporal Life of mine shall have an end and my soul to god that gave it in hopes of a blessed Resurection at ye Last day

2ly my will is that my son Stephen Hopkins shall possess and Injoy all my Upland and meadow Lying and being at Satuckit that is to say all my upland and meadow on ye southerly side of ye bounds of ye Towne of eastham that is to say all my Right and title Intrest and claime to all those Lands from ye head of Namescakit to ye southermost part of ye long pond where mannomoyet cart way goes over to Satuckit and from thence to ye head of manomoyet river and so as our Line shall run over to ye south sea all ye Lands between thos bounds and ye westermost bounds of ye purchesers at satuckit river all these Lands I give Unto my son Stephen Hopkins and to his heirs forever: and half my stock of cattill for and in consideration of ye above sd Land and half stock of cattel my will is that after my decease my son Stephen Hopkins shall take ye care and oversight and maintaine my son William Hopkins during his natural Life in a comfortable decent manner.

3ly my will is that all my Lands at Palmet both purchesed and unpurchesed both meadows and upland and all my Lands at Pochet and my third part of Samsons neck and what other Lands shall fall unto me as a purcheser from ye fore mentioned Bounds of my son Stephen Hopkinses Lands and potanomacot all these fore specified Lands I give unto my sons Caleb and Joshua Hopkins to be equaly devided between them: further my will is that if either of my sons Joshua or Caleb Hopkins dye having no Issew that then these Lands which I have given them to be equally devided between them fall to him that surviveth.

4ly. I give unto my wife Catorne Hopkins and to my son William Hopkins the improvment of too acres of meadow Lying at ye head of Rock Harbor during my wifes Life and ye one half of that too acres I give Unto my son william during his Life and after ye decease of and after ye decease of my wife and son william I do give this above sd too acres of meadow to my son Joshua Hopkins and his heirs forever: as also after my decease I give Unto my son Joshua Hopkins a parcel of meadow Lying at ye mouth of Rock Harbor according to ye bounds thereof specified in ye Towne Records of Lands: it I give unto my son Caleb Hopkins a parcel of meadow Lying at Little Nameskeket according to ye bounds thereof specified in ye Towne Book of Records of Lands.

It. I give unto my wife my now dwelling House and halfe my Land and halfe my orchard that is by my house: by Land I mean half my Land that is about my house both fenced and Unfenced during my wifes natural Life, and then ye above sd housing and Lands to fall unto my son Joshua Hopkins; the other half of my Land and orchard I give to my son Joshua Hopkins after my death that is to say ye other half of my Lands Liying about my house.

It. I give unto my son Caleb Hopkins one pair of plow Irons.
It. I give Unto my son Joshua Hopkins one payer of plow Irons.
It. I give Unto my son Joshua Hopkins my carte and wheels.
It. I give unto my wife ye other half of my stock and moveables I say to my wife and my son William or what parse of ye moveables my wife shall see cause to bestow on my son William Hopkins.
It. I do appoint my son Stephen Hopkins to be my true and Lawful executor of this my Last will and testament to pay what is payable and Receive what is due.

And to ye truth and verity hereof I have hereunto sett my hand and seal ye day and year above written.

Signed and sealed
in presence of us, ye mark of Giles Hopkins
Jonathan Sparrow.
Samuel Knowles.

Jonathan Sparrow and Samuel Knowles witnesses to this will made oath in Court ye: 16 th: of April 1690 that they saw ye above sd Giles Hopkins signe seal and declare this to be his Last will and Testament.

Attest Joseph Lothrop. Clerk.

I ye above sd Giles Hopkins do declare where as by ye providence of God my Life has been prolonged unto me and by Reason of age and disabillity of Body Lam Incapatiated to provide for my owne support and my wifes, my will further is that my son Stephen Hopkins from this time and forward shall possess and Injoy all my stock and moveable estate provided he take effectual care for mine and my wifes Comfortable Support during our natural Lives witness my hand and seal this fifth day of march 1688/9.

Witness Mark Snow Giles Hopkins
Jonath Sparrow

The within mentioned Mark Snow and Jonathan Sparrow made oath in Court April ye: 16 : 1690 that they saw Giles Hopkins within mentioned signe seal and declare ye latter part of this will within mentioned to be his Last will and Testament. Attest. Joseph Lothrop, Clerk.

Duly Compared with the original and entered April ye: 22 : 1690. Attest. Joseph Lothrop, Recorder. "(17)

Issue-

·  I. Mary- b. Nov. 1640, m. 3 Jan. 1665/6 Samuel Smith, d. 2 July 1700

·  II. Stephen- b. Sept. 1642

·  III. John- b. 1643, d.s.p.

·  IV. Abigail- b. Oct. 1644, m. 23 May 1667 Eastham, William Myrick

·  V. Deborah- b. June 1648, m. 27 July 1668 Eastham, Josiah Cooke

·  VI. Caleb- b. Jan. 1650/1, m. Mary Williams, d. before 22 May 1728 Truro, MA

·  4VII. RUTH- b. June 1653, m. SAMUEL (4) MAYO (b.12 Oct. 1655 Eastham, d. 29 Oct. 1738 Eastham)

·  VIII. Joshua- b. June 1657, m. 26 May 1681 Mary Cole (d. 1 Mar. 1733/4), d.c.1738

·  IX. William- b. 9 Jan. 1660/1

·  X. Elizabeth- b. Nov. 1664, d.s.p.

Ref:

(1) Plymouth Colony Records, Deeds, &c.- Vol. I 1627-1651
(2) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 60-61
(3) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 1, p. 117
(4) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 10, p. 140
(5) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 2, p. 53
(6) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 7, p. 29-30
(7) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 12, p. 104
(8) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 2, p. 155
(9) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 7, p. 71-72
(10) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 14, p. 142-143
(11) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 4, p. 15
(12) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 4, pp. 129, 152
(13) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 4, p. 177
(14) Plymouth Colony Records- Vol. 5, p. 57-58
(15) Indian Deeds: Land Transactions in Plymouth Colony, 1620-1691- Jeremy Dupertuis Bangs- Boston- New England Historic Genealogical Society, 2002, pp. 443-444
(16) Mayflower Descendant- Vol. 2, p. 177
(17) Barnstable County Probate- Vol. I, p. 32

"Stephen and Giles Hopkins- Mayflower Passengers"- James W. Hawes, Yarmouthport, 1915, pp.16-9


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